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Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace 

DIVISION  OF  INTERCOURSE  AND  EDUCATION 

Publication  No.  12 


•CIBKA^ 

OF  TRU 

^UNIVERSITY 


RUSSIA,  THE  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  WAR 

An  Account  of  a  Visit  to  Petrograd  and 
Helsingfors  in  March,  1917 


BY 


CHRISTIAN  L.  LANGE 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  ENDOWMENT 

WASHINGTON,  D,  C. 

1917 


HISTORr 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Preface   ii 

Nearing  Historic  Events  .v 1 

The  Journey  to  Russia  1 

Petrograd  at  Night   3 

Causes  of  the  Revolution  • 6 

The  Duma   8 

Keryenski  11 

Chief  Factors  of  the  Present  Situation 12 

The  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Council 14 

The  Army   15 

Problems  of  the  Future 17 

The  Constituent  Assembly   17 

The  Agrarian  Problem   18 

Finland 20 

Poland    21 

Problems  of  War  and  Peace 22 

Publications  of  the  Endowment 


PREFACE 

Dr.  Christian  L.  Lange  of  Christiana  has  been  since  the  establishment  of  the 
Carnegie  Endowment  a  valuable  correspondent  of  the  Division  of  Intercourse 
and  Education.  His  experience  in  the  public  life  of  Norway,  his  service  as  a 
member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  and  his  work  as  permanent  secretary 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  have  given  him  not  only  a  wide  acquaintance 
with  international  politics  and  with  European  statesmen,  but  unique  opportuni- 
ties for  observing  and  for  studying  them. 

In  December,  1916,  and  still  more  markedly  in  January,  1917,  there  were 
signs  that  something  important  and  significant  was  going  on  behind  the  scenes  in 
Russia.  The  apparent  paralysis  of  Russia's  military  and  economic  organization 
and  effort  required  explanation,  and  the  rapidly  growing  rumors  of  coming 
political  changes  called  for  more  accurate  knowledge  and  fuller  interpretation. 
Under  these  circumstances  Dr.  Lange  was  requested  by  cable  to  proceed  as 
promptly  as  might  be  to  Russia  in  order  to  make  to  the  Endowment  a  full  and 
accurate  report  upon  the  political,  economic  and  military  situation  in  that  coun- 
try. It  is  doubtless  fortunate  that  Dr.  Lange  was  not  able  to  undertake  this  mis- 
sion until  after  a  delay  of  several  weeks,  for  in  consequence  he  reached  Russia 
just  as  the  storm  of  revolution  broke  and  so  was  able  to  see  with  his  own  eyes 
and  to  hear  writh  his  own  ears  the  events  which  mark  one  of  the  greatest  and  most 
sudden  political  changes  in  all  history. 

The  value  of  Dr.  Lange's  report  is  so  great  that  the  Division  of  Intercourse 
and  Education  has  given  it  the  widest  possible  publicity.  It  will  stand  as  a  per- 
manent and  authentic  record  of  the  happenings  of  fateful  days  in  March  and 
April,  1917. 

Dr.  Lange's  report  was  completed  and  forwarded  from  Christiana  before 
April  20,  1917.  It  is  a  striking  tribute  to  his  clear-sightedness  and  sagacity  that 
the  events  which  immediately  followed  have  confirmed  in  many  respects  the 
analysis  and  the  predictions  he  then  made.  It  is  profoundly  to  be  hoped  that  his 
favorable  forecasts  of  the  future  will  be  similarly  sustained  by  the  happenings 
of  the  next  few  weeks. 

NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER, 

A c ting  Director. 
June  4,  1917. 


RUSSIA,  THE  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  WAR 

An  Account  of  a  Visit  to  Petrograd  and  Helsingfors  in  March,  1917 

BY  DR.  CHRISTIAN  L.  LANGE 


NEARING  HISTORIC  EVENTS 

It  was  a  most  fortunate  chance  that  I  had  planned  my  trip  to  Russia  for  the 
middle  of  March.  As  it  hajppened,  I  arrived  at  Petrograd  by  the  first  train  to 
pass  the  Russian  frontier  after  the  revolution,  on  the  evening  of  Saturday, 
March  17,  two  days  after  the  formation  of  the  Government  and  after  the  abdi- 
cation of  the  Tsar,  the  day  after  the  abdication  of  the  Grand-Duke  Michael, 
the  Tsar's  brother,  an  event  which  made  Russia  for  the  time  being  a  republic. 

I  left  Christiania  on  March  12,  when  as  yet  nothing  was  known  at  all  about 
what  was  going  on  at  Petrograd.  At  Stockholm,  where  I  stopped  for  Tuesday 
and  Wednesday  to  meet  the  Interparliamentary  Group  of  the  Riksdag,  I  read 
telegrams  about  the  riots  in  the  Russian  capital;  I  also  learned  of  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  Duma.  Competent  persons,  however,  advised  me  to  go  on,  as  they 
firmly  believed  that  the  telegrams  were  fantastic  and  exaggerated.  This  also 
proved  true.  The  papers  had  spoken  of  a  bridge  across  the  Neva  having  been 
blown  up,  of  Petrograd  swimming  in  blood.  All  this  was  partly  fantastic 
rumors,  partly  intentional  perversion.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  I  was  anxious 
to  go  myself,  as  I  was  sure  at  any  rate  to  meet  my  political  friends  in  Russia, 
and  it  might  even  be  supposed  that  most  interesting  events  were  developing. 
When  in  September  last  Mr.  Milyukoff  was  at  Christiania,  he  told  me  that  a 
revolution  was  inevitable.  The  only  questions  were :  when  was  it  to  come  ? 
how  would  it  be  possible  to  coordinate  a  revolution  with  the  exigencies  of  the 
war? 

My  tickets  were  taken,  sleepers  and  all,  and  I  thought  it  best  at  any  rate 
to  go  to  the  frontier  and  take  counsel  there. 

The  journey  to  Russia  is  now  very  long,  the  Baltic  being  impassable.  One 
has  to  go  north  by  rail  for  forty  hours.  I  left  Stockholm  Wednesday,  March 
14,  in  the  afternoon,  and  only  Friday  morning  I  reached  the  frontier  at 
Haparanda.  In  the  train  I  had  already  seen  the  first  communication  from  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Duma  that  they  had  seized  the  reins  of  Govern- 
ment, that  the  Tsar's  ministers  were  in  prison,  that  the  Petrograd  garrison  had 


2  DR.    LANGE  S    REPORT 

joined  the  Duma,  and  that  the  town  was  quiet.  The  Russian  consul  at  Hapa- 
randa  advised  me  to  go  on,  but  warned  me  at  the  same  time  that  it  might  be 
difficult  to  reach  Petrograd  according  to  the  time-tables.  This,  however,  was  not 
considered  as  serious,  and  I  crossed  the  river  in  a  sledge — there  is  no  railway 
connection — the  temperature  being  at  — 40°  F.  ( — 40°  C.).  As  there  was  no  wind, 
the  cold  was  much  less  biting  than  later  at  Petrograd,  where  the  temperature 
was  +5°  F. 

At  Tornea,  the  Finnish  railway  terminus,  we  were  examined  by  the  Russian 
gendarmerie  as  usual  at  European  frontiers  during  the  war.  I  had  a  laisser- 
passer  from  the  Russian  Minister  at  Christiania,  and  was  not  even  searched,  and 
I  heard  from  my  fellow-travelers  that  their  examination  had  also  been  very 
lenient.  The  people  at  the  station  knew  less  of  what  had  passed  at  Petrograd 
than  we  did.  They  had  not  seen  the  first  communique,  and  the  Finnish  woman, 
who  kept  the  book-stall  at  the  station,  was  delighted  when  I  slipped  a  Swedish 
paper  to  her,  which  gave  the  text  of  the  document. 

The  exceptional  events  and  the  feverish  excitement  with  which  we  antici- 
pated the  rest  of  our  journey  soon  dissolved  the  reserve  which  more  or  less 
estranges  fellow-travelers,  especially  in  war-time,  when  you  read  everywhere: 
"Beware  of  strangers.  Enemy  ears  are  listening  to  every  word!"  And  we  soon 
formed  one  single  discussion  club,  when  we  found  ourselves  in  the  sleeping  car : 
a  couple  of  Finns,  a  Russian  customs  officer  from  the  Chinese  frontier,  who  had 
been  prevented  by  the  submarines  from  seeing  his  wife  and  family  at  Geneva, 
and  now  had  to  return  to  Charbin,  an  American  lawyer  and  his  wife  going  on 
business  to  Russia,  the  American  consul  and  vice-consul  from  Tiflis  on  their 
way  to  their  posts,  a  French  diplomatic  courier,  some  four  or  five  Norwegians 
and  some  gentlemen  of  indeterminable  nationality  and  characteristics.  The  first 
great  question  was :  were  we  to  reach  Petrograd  ?  The  next  morning  we  learned 
that  we  had  passed  the  express  from  Petrograd  during  the  night.  This  gave 
hope.  But  at  the  same  time  strange  rumors  were  circulating:  that  there  were 
new  disturbances  and  strikes  at  Petrograd,  bloodshed  at  Helsingfors,  and  a  rail- 
way-strike in  Finland.  At  last,  early  in  the  afternoon,  I  got  an  Abo  paper  con- 
taining the  full  official  report  from  the  new  Government,  its  composition  and 
program,  and — through  a  chance  word  in  a  reported  speech  of  MilyukofFs — the 
first  intimation  of  the  abdication  of  the  Tsar.  During  more  than  an  hour  I  had 
to  sit  and  translate  these  historic  documents  to  my  foreign  friends. 

There  was  great  elation  but  still  anxiety,  as  we  steamed  southwards.  We 
were  never  sure,  on  reaching  one  station,  we  would  get  beyond  it.  However, 
we  got  to  Viborg,  the  last  considerable  town  on  the  Finnish  side.  Were  we  to 
pass  the  frontier,  too?  It  was  already  late  at  night  when  we  steamed  into  the 
station  of  Bielo-Ostrov,  where  the  customs  and  passport  examination  takes 
place.  Some  Russians  had  come  on  board  the  train,  and  they  confirmed  the 
reports  of  mutiny  among  the  marines  at  Kronstadt  and  at  Helsingfors.  Hor- 


RUSSIA   IN   REVOLUTION  3 

rible  things  had  been  going  on.  A  young  naval  officer  told  us  his  life  had  been 
threatened.  "But  I  was  popular  with  my  men,  so  there  was  no  serious  danger 
for  me."  He  carried  the  red  badge  of  the  revolution,  but  it  was  evident  that  in 
his  heart  of  hearts  he  did  not  really  like  it. 

Our  excitement  reached  its  pitch  when  we  slowly  came  up  to  the  platform 
at  Bielo-Ostrov.  We  were  standing  ready  with  our  bags,  luggage  tickets,  pass- 
ports and  everything;  the  platform  was  empty,  not  a  human  being  to  be  seen. 
Then  all  of  a  sudden,  the  carriage  door  opens,  enters  a  little  dwarf,  no  taller 
than  my  writing-desk,  and  he  cries  out  as  he  rolls  down  along  the  corridor: 
' 'Liberty  is  supreme.  All  the  gendarmes  are  sent  to  prison  to  Petrograd.  No 
more  passports,  no  customs.  Only  liberty  reigns !" 

He  was  our  herald  of  the  revolution !  And  he  proved  right.  The  train  left 
at  once,  without  any  examination  at  all,  and  within  two  minutes  we  all  carried, 
God  knows  how,  red  badges  in  our  buttonholes.  I  got  mine  from  the  carriage 
maid,  who  tore  asunder  a  piece  of  red  flag  cloth  and  freely  distributed  the  pieces, 
and  she  at  once  became  very  communicative:  there  had  been  a  strike  for  some 
hours  on  the  railway  lines,  a  strike  of  pronounced  political  character.  The  men 
had  insisted  on  the  removal  of  some  high  Russian  officials  in  the  railway  admin- 
istration. As  soon  as  they  had  obtained  satisfaction,  they  returned  to  work. 
This  accounted  for  the  delays  we  had  had  and  still  had. 

PETROGRAD  AT  NIGHT 

At  half  past  twelve  we  were  at  the  end  of  our  journey.  I  had  myself  wired 
to  a  hotel,  and  the  Russian  Minister  had  wired  through  his  Department,  that  I 
should  be  met  at  the  station  and  get  accommodations  at  a  hotel — they  are  all 
more  than  full — but  nobody  was  there  to  meet  me  (I  later  learned  that  no  wires 
had  arrived)  and  what  was  worse,  there  were  no  taxis,  not  even  a  single  horse 
and  sledge.  I  was  most  glad  to  join  the  Russian  customs  officer,  who  also  was 
on  the  outlook  for  a  room,  and  he  moreover  took  under  his  care  a  young  Ameri- 
can electrician,  on  his  way  home  to  the  States  by  Vladivostok  and  San  Fran- 
cisco. We  three  started  together  from  the  Finnish  station,  which  is  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  Neva  (no  bridge  had  been  blown  up)  in  the  outskirts  of  the 
town,  close  to  the  industrial  quarters,  where  the  revolutionary  movement  began. 

The  city  was  altogether  quiet.  We  met  some  soldiers  patrolling  the  streets ; 
here  and  there  we  saw  groups  of  young  students  with  white  bands  round  the 
left  arm,  bearing  in  red  the  letters  G.  M.  (Militia  Guard)  and  a  gun  thrown 
across  the  shoulder.  Once  or  twice  we  met  some  persons  returning  from  a  din- 
ner-party. Otherwise  the  streets  were  as  if  dead,  not  a  horse  and  carnage,  nor 
a  tram.  When  we  had  crossed  the  great  bridge,  we  saw  the  dreary  ruins  of  the 
big  police  court  on  the  Lieteny  Prospect  (one  of  the  main  thoroughfares).  It 
had  been  burnt,  but  otherwise  no  traces  of  destruction  were  to  be  seen  thus  far. 


4  DR.    LANGE  S    REPORT 

The  popular  exasperation  had  turned  against  the  police  and  its  headquarters. 
Unfortunately  some  very  important  documents  were  destroyed  at  the  same  time : 
not  only  the  etats  civils,  the  registers  of  the  population,  their  age,  status  and  so 
on,  but  also  the  archives  of  the  secret  police  have  been  destroyed  in  part,  so  it  is 
now  one  of  the  difficult  tasks  of  the  new  administration  to  trace  the  agents 
provocateurs,  who  were  everywhere.  I  heard  later  from  Mr.  Keryenski,  the 
Minister  of  Justice,  that  not  only  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Pravda  (Truth) 
the  organ  of  the  extreme  socialists,  in  the  pay  of  the  Okhrana,  the  secret  police, 
but  that  the  police  had  also  one  of  their  representatives  on  the  Central  Committee 
of  the  Cadets,  Milyukoff's  party.  A  sharp  pruning  knife  will  be  necessary  to 
remove  this  excrescence  with  all  its  ramifications  from  Russian  life. 

We  called  at  every  hotel,  at  any  boarding  house  which  was  indicated  to  us ; 
impossible  to  find  a  room,  or  even  an  easy-chair.  The  explanation  of  this  fact 
is  that  so  many  refugees  from  Poland,  lately  also  from  Roumania,  have  filled  the 
hotels;  some  of  the  bigger  ones  have  also  been  turned  into  hospitals.  After  two 
hours  of  weary  wanderings,  a  militia-man  took  pity  on  us  and  led  us  to  a  room 
in  a  highly  "modest"  hotel  which  served  as  a  sort  of  resting-place  for  the  patrols. 
There  I  passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  a  corner  of  a  sofa,  while  the  two  others 
with  a  courage  I  could  not  muster  lay  down  on  a  most  suspicious  looking  bed. 

When  we  turned  out  early  in  the  morning,  in  bitter  cold,  it  proved  im- 
possible to  find  breakfast.  No  coffee-houses  were  open,  no  bakers'  shops,  no 
restaurants ;  even  the  lunch  counters  in  the  railway  station  were  closed,  so  we 
had  to  walk  on  without  any  tea  or  coffee.  As  we  walked  back  towards  the 
station  to  find  our  luggage,  we  saw  men,  women  and  children  lining  up  before 
the  bakers'  shops  or  the  victuallers'.  On  that  day  the  victualling  was  very 
difficult.  I'got  lunch  at  noon,  but  not  a  crust  of  bread  before.  The  next  morn- 
ing, after  having  found  a  hotel  at  6  p.m.  on  Sunday,  after  much  searching  and 
many  a  weary  walk,  I  got  for  my  breakfast  a  pot  of  coffee  with  sugar,  but  no 
milk,  and  one  single  piece  of  black  bread,  and  that  piece  not  a  large  one,  fifty 
or  sixty  grammes. 

But  it  should  be  said  at  once  that  matters  improved  very  quickly.  Partly 
because  the  scarcity  of  food  was  artificially  created  by  the  late  Government, 
partly  because  the  new  administration  made  an  extraordinary  effort  to  feed 
Petrograd,  matters  soon  returned  to  their  normal  level.  I  was  told  in  Finland 
that  there  were  four  meatless  days  a  week  in  Russia.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  I 
had  meat  every  day  during  my  fortnight's  stay,  and  both  at  lunch  and  dinner, 
and  there  was  no  difficulty  after  a  few  days  in  having  bacon  with  the  breakfast 
eggs,  if  I  preferred.  In  the  hotels  I  saw  only  black  bread,  but  in  private  houses 
I  had  white  bread.  The  prohibitive  regulations  were  still  in  force,  in  the  hotels 
no  wines,  and  still  less  spirits,  were  to  be  had.  I  know  that  there  were  great 
difficulties  in  finding  wine  in  bottles  for  private  persons. 


RUSSIA   IN   REVOLUTION  5 

But  prices  were  very  high,  more  than  double  those  prevailing  at  my  former 
visits  to  Petrograd  (in  1910  and  in  February,  1914).  To  a  certain  extent  this 
rise  is  balanced  to  foreigners  by  the  serious  depreciation  of  Russian  money. 
Here  in  Norway  the  exchange  on  Petrograd  is  somewhere  between  55  and  60 
per  cent  of  the  normal  exchange.  Paper  money  is  flooding  the  country,  and  during 
my  whole  stay  I  had  not  one  single  Russian  coin  in  my  hand,  not  even  a 
copper.  I  once  saw  some  copper  and  even  one  silver  coin  in  the  purse  of  an 
istvostsjik.  I  have  in  my  possession  as  souvernirs  paper  notes  of  one,  two, 
three  and  five  copecks.  They  are  5x8  cm.,  but  for  ten,  fifteen  and  twenty 
copecks  stamps  without  gum  were  used  instead  of  coins.  It  is  evident  that  the 
peasants  are  hoarding  the  coins;  they  think  them  more  valuable  than  the  paper, 
of  which  from  bitter  experience  they  are  distrustful.  In  Finland  smaller  coins 
were  used,  while,  from  one  mark  upwards,  paper  notes  were  most  to  be  seen. 
(Finland  has  its  own  currency  system  [a  mark  —  one  franc]).  It  is  said  that 
several  foreigners  are  buying  up  Russian  notes,  speculating  in  the  rise  of  the 
currency  when  the  crops  which  are  now  being  hoarded  for  want  of  export 
facilities,  will  be  thrown  on  the  foreign  market. 

During  Sunday  I  succeeded,  as  already  said,  in  finding  provisional  hotel 
accommodation,  but  rather  out  of  the  way,  and  I  was  promised  a  room  on 
Tuesday  at  one  of  the  better  hotels  in  the  central  part  of  the  town.  As  I  walked 
along  the  Nevsky  during  the  afternoon,  I  met  a  procession  of  workmen,  soldiers 
and  women,  singing  the  revolutionary  hymn — an  old  song  I  was  told — sung  to  a 
tune  evidently  borrowed  from  the  Marseillaise,  but  in  rather  a  depraved  setting. 
The  text  may  be  rendered  as  follows: 

Let  us  give   up  the  ancient  world. 
Let  us  shake  its  dust  from  our  feet. 
We  want  no  idol  in  gold. 
We  hate  the  palace  of  the  Tsars. 
We  will  go  to  our  suffering  brethren, 
We  will  go  to  those  who  are  starving. 
With  them  we  execrate  the  felon, 
And  we  will  challenge  him  to  fight. 
March,  march,  workmen,  forward ! 

The  procession  carried  red  banners  on  which  was  written:  "Land  and  Liberty," 
"Down  with  Autocracy,"  etc.  It  was  a  revolutionary  sight,  but  at  the  head  of 
the  procession  in  the  very  middle  of  the  street  I  saw  a  strange  sight :  high  up  on 
a  car  drawn  by  a  horse  a  man  was  standing,  turning,  turning  incessantly  his 
cinematograph  preparing  his  "films  of  the  Russian  revolution."  Then  I  under- 
stood that  I  was  really  a  witness  of  historic  events,  but  also  that  all  danger  was 
passed.  Petrograd  had  settled  down  to  civilized  life. 


6  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

I  do  not  intend  to  give  here  a  chronological  summary  of  the  revolutionary 
events.  I  presume  they  will  be  pretty  well  known.  I  shall  rather  try  to  give  an 
analysis  of  the  revolution  as  I  was  able  to  realize  it,  on  the  basis  of  personal 
observation  on  the  spot,  of  conversations  with  political  leaders,  diplomats,  jour- 
nalists, ordinary  citizens,  and  readings  in  the  press.  As  soon  as  I  had  settled 
down  in  my  hotel,  I  engaged  a  young  woman  student,  who  came  every  morning 
to  translate  the  papers  to  me,  as  I  do  not  read  Russian  myself.  I  was  most 
fortunate  in  this  respect.  She  was  a  wide-awake,  intelligent  person,  was  study- 
ing history  and  politics  at  the  university,  and  her  husband  was  on  the  staff  of 
the  Rietch,  MilyukofFs  organ,  so  I  had  an  excellent  opportunity  of  learning 
many  things  through  her,  of  which  otherwise  I  should  have  remained  ignorant. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  had  several  means  of  corroborating  this  information. 

I  have  already  said  that  the  revolution  was  inevitable.  I  remember  very 
well  that  when  at  Petrograd  in  February,  1914,  I  was  told  by  Milyukoff  that  the 
Tsar  Nicholas  had  une  peur  bleue  de  la  guerre,  because  he  very  well  realized 
that  there  had  been  an  intimate  connection  between  the  war  with  Japan  and  the 
ensuing  revolution  of  1905-06.  This  dread  of  the  Tsar's  was  in  MilyukofFs 
eyes  one  of  the  guarantees  of  European  peace,  at  any  rate  a  security  against 
aggressive  tendencies  on  the  part  of  Russia.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was 
then  in  Russia  great  apprehension  of  German  and  Austrian  aggression,  especially 
in  connection  with  the  negotiations  which  were  to  come  as  to  the  renewal  of 
the  Russo-German  treaty  of  commerce,  which  was  to  expire  in  1917.  War  with 
the  Central  Powers  was  considered  as  inevitable,  and  it  may  have  served  as  an 
argument  for  war  in  1914  that  now  Russia  at  any  rate  had  strong  allies. 

I  was  told  now  in  1917  that  there  had  been  divided  counsels  in  the  Govern- 
ment of  1914.  The  majority  of  the  ministers  favored  war,  a  minority  repre- 
sented by  Sazonoff,  and  the  ministers  of  Finance  and  of  Agriculture,  Bark  and 
Kriwoshein,  were  for  peace,  and  the  Rietch,  which  supported  the  peace  policy 
of  Sazonoff,  was  even  prohibited  for  a  time.  The  Tsar  was  as  usual  vacillating ; 
fits  of  seeming  restiveness  alternated  with  periods  of  complete  apathy,  and  as  it 
happened  his  peur  bleue  de  la  guerre  had  no  decisive  importance.  Sazonoff  was, 
however,  at  any  rate  able  to  take  up  an  attitude  which  left  the  responsibility  of 
aggression  with  the  other  side.  But  there  is  no  doubt  also  that  at  Petrograd 
— as  indeed  in  all  capitals — there  was  a  military  party  pushing  towards  war. 
The  responsibilities  for  the  war  are  divided,  European,  but  they  should  evi- 
dently be  apportioned  in  different  degrees. 

But  when  the  war  came,  it  was  immensely  popular  in  Russia.  Slavonic 
nationalism,  which  was  an  important  element  in  aristocracy  and  among  the  great 
land  owners,  turned  against  Austria-Hungary  and  Germany,  who  were  bent  on 
crushing  the  Slavonic  sister  state,  Servia.  The  progressive  elements  saw  the 


RUSSIA  IN   REVOLUTION  7 

immense  importance  of  the  dissolution  of  the  league  of  the  three  emperors, 
formed  around  the  pactum  turpe  of  the  partition  of  Poland,  and  which  had  held 
good  for  upwards  of  a  century  and  a  half,  and  no  less  the  great  potentialities 
which  might  flow  from  the  alliance  with  Western  democracy.  Their  hopes  were 
high  during  the  first  year  of  the  war,  as  letters  from  Efremoff  and  from 
Milyukoff  at  that  time  testify.  They  saw  in  Germany  the  stronghold  of  reaction 
and  of  militarism  in  Europe,  and  trusted  that  its  downfall  would  be  followed  by 
that  of  Russian  autocracy.  It  has  happened  otherwise.  But  at  any  rate  this 
feeling  created  a  widespread  sense  of  responsibility  for  the  war,'  of  the  neces- 
sity of  supplementing,  as  far  as  in  them  lay,  the  shortcomings  of  the  adminis- 
tration and  of  the  bureaucracy. 

Thus  was  called  into  being  a  spontaneous  participation  in  the  war  work 
from  the  best  and  most  healthy  elements  within  Russian  society.  The  Associa- 
tion of  the  Zemstvo's  on  one  side,  a  voluntary  institution  formed  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  municipal  councils  of  the  "Gouverements"  consequently  by  men 
versed  in  local  government  and  in  public  affairs,  combined  with  the  leaders  of 
the  great  commercial  and  industrial  enterprises  to  form  all  sorts  of  committees 
outside  the  administration.  In  a  hundred  ways  they  have  been  able  to  help  and 
to  prove  their  efficiency.  When  Brussiloff  prepared  his  great  offensive,  he  had 
of  course  to  secure  his  rear.  Trenches  were  to  be  dug  for  the  eventuality  of 
a  retreat.  But  he  could  not  use  his  own  soldiers,  as  their  offensive  force  might 
be  snapped,  if  they  knew  that  positions  were  prepared  for  a  retreat.  Then  the 
Association  of  the  Zemstvos  at  once  mobilized  500,000  peasants,  who  did  the 
work.  Another  general  complained  that  his  companies  were  suffering  because 
so  many  soldiers  were  called  off  to  become  cooks.  In  a  very  short  time  50,000 
men,  not  fit  for  military  work,  but  able  to  do  service  as  cooks,  were  put  at  his 
disposal.  In  innumerable  ways  the  industrial  committee  has  helped  to  organize 
the  importation  of  munitions  and  of  raw  materials  for  the  war  industries. 

Quietly  the  direction  of  Russian  life  and  activity  during  the  war  was  more 
and  more  taken  over  by  the  middle  class  itself,  and  their  services  appeared  all 
the  more  brilliant  against  the  dark  setting  of  the  incapacity,  the  corruption,  not 
to  mention  the  occasional  treason,  of  the  old  administration.  It  is,  so  to  speak, 
the  leaders  of  this  activity. who  have  now  undertaken  also  the  nominal  direction 
of  Russia.  The  new  premier,  Prince  Lvoff,  was  President  of  the  Association 
of  Zemstvos.  Gutchkoff,  Minister  of  War,  Konovaloff,  Minister  of  Commerce 
and  Industry,  Chingareff,  Minister  of  Agriculture,  have  all  played  leading  or 
prominent  parts  in  the  different  organizations  and  committees  controlling  and 
leading  the  private  activity  for  the  war,  while  Milyukoff,  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  has  represented  the  Russian  people  before  the  world,  through  his  work 
in  the  press  or  through  his  numerous  addresses  abroad  during  the  war.  A  new 
official  Russia  was  silently  in  formation.  It  has  now  risen,  shaking  off  the  feeble 
fetters  Tsardom,  bureaucracy  and  police  were  trying  to  lay  on  a  people  pre- 


8  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

pared  to  work  out  its  own  salvation,  while  the  powers  of  old  manifestly  proved 
incapable  of  their  task. 

THE  DUMA 

It  is  impossible  to  rate  highly  enough  the  importance  and  the  influence  of 
the  Duma  in  this  silent  preparation  of  the  momentous  revolution  of  1917.  If  a 
better  horoscope  is  undoubtedly  to  be  cast  for  this  revolution  than  for  its  prede- 
cessor of  1905-06,  it  is  chiefly  because  the  Duma,  through  its  existence  alone, 
has  educated  Russian  public  opinion  towards  common  national  aims.  In  the 
Duma  the  Russian  nation  has  found  a  common  symbol,  and  through  the  speeches 
there,  especially  now  during  the  war,  the  silent  desires  and  hopes  of  the  masses 
and  of  the  classes  have  found  expression  and  distinct  objects  for  a  national 
policy  for  a  separate  peace  with  Germany,  Efremoff,  leader  of  the  Progressives 
here.  When  Milyukoff  had  made  his  famous  attack  on  Sturmer,  an  attack  which 
led  to  the  Minister's  fall  and  to  the  abandonment  for  the  time  being  of  the 
policy  for  a  separate  peace  with  Germany,  Efremoff,  leader  of  the  Progressives 
— an  intermediary  party  between  the  Octobrists  and  the  Cadets,  these  latter  not 
by  far  a  radical  party, — made  a  speech  in  which  he  said:  "There  is  little  use  in 
removing  the  mushrooms  from  a  rotten  trunk,  they  will  sprout  again,  as  soon 
as  weather  favors.  The  only  efficient  cure  is  to  cut  down  the  rotten  trunk." 
This  is  pure  revolutionary  doctrine.  And  Keryenski,  now  Minister  of  Justice, 
once  took  for  his  text  the  famous  sculptural  groups  on  the  AnitchkofT  bridge 
on  the  Nevsky,  representing  four  tamers  of  horses  in  different  attitudes.  He 
said :  "In  the  first  group  you  see  the  tamer  dominating  his  horse ;  in  the  second 
and  third  groups,  the  horse  is  more  and  more  freeing  itself  from  its  master;  in 
the  fourth  group  the  man  is  on  the  ground  under  the  hoofs  of  the  horse,  who 
is  galloping  freely  along.  The  tamer  is  the  bureaucracy,  the  horse  is  the  Russian 
people.  It  will  know  how  to  obtain  its  liberation." 

It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  think  that  the  Fourth  Duma  was  anything 
resembling  a  revolutionary  assembly.  As  will  be  known  the  reactionaries  and 
nationalists,  together  with  the  center,  formed  a  solid  majority  against  any  evolu- 
tion even  towards  parliamentary  government ;  even  the  Octobrists  were  against 
ministerial  responsibility.  But  so  glaring  was  the  incapacity  of  the  old  regime 
that  a  bloc  was  formed  during  the  war  by  all  the  bourgeois  parties,  from  the 
Cadets  to  the  nationalists,  which  united  on  the  single  aim  of  pushing  on  the  war 
and  silently  preparing  for  the  moment  when  the  catastrophe  of  Tsarism  was  to 
come.  The  reactionaries  dwindled  down  to  insignificance.  Even  the  notorious 
Purishkevitch,  who  took  service  in  the  army,  joined  the  bloc,  and  the  still  more 
notorious  Markoff  was  pictured  in  a  cartoon  sitting  sulking  in  his  corner,  as  the 
"only  Russian  conservative."  This  was  long  before  the  revolution.  The  Cadets 
had  to  make  sacrifices  in  order  to  keep  this  bloc  together.  Thus  they  voted,  and 


RUSSIA   IN   REVOLUTION  9 

Milyukoff  himself  spoke,  against  a  proposal  to  raise  the  question  of  ministerial 
responsibility  before  the  Duma.  "The  time  was  not  ripe."  MilyukofFs  attitude 
then  impaired  his  popularity  with  the  radical  elements,  and  this  fact  together 
with  his  imperialistic  attitude  with  regard  to  the  objects  of  the  war,  may  com- 
promise his  position.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  is  rather  isolated  in  the  Govern- 
ment. But  the  bloc  was  maintained,  and  the  way  paved  for  a  united  advance, 
when  the  moment  of  action  was  to  come. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Duma  would  ever  have  taken  an  initiative  of 
revolution,  but  the  fact  that  even  Rodzianko,  the  moderate  Octobrist  president 
of  the  Duma,  was  ready  to  take  the  chair  in  the  new  Executive  Committee ;  that 
the  still  more  conservative  Shulgin  was  ready  to  go  with  Gutchkoff  to  force 
Nicholas  to  abdicate,  shows  how  far  the  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  a  pro- 
found change  had  spread.  Everybody  saw  that  a  catastrophe  was  coming.  But 
they  did  not  know  when.  Would  it  be  during  the  war  or  would  it  be  after  ?  No- 
body was  able  to  tell.  But  they  saw  the  necessity  of  preparation,  of  mobilization 
for  the  eventuality,  so  to  speak.  The  Executive  Committee  was  secretly  formed ; 
even  the  ministers  were  designated  long  ago.  Therefore  the  decisions  could  be 
made  quickly  when  the  supreme  moment  arrived. 

Tsardom  took  upon  itself  to  force  matters  to  an  issue. 

Nicholas  Romanoff  will  probably  figure  in  history  as  no  less  a  tragical  per- 
sonality than  Louis  XVI.  Indeed  there  are  several  points  of  resemblance.  But 
above  all  they  are  like  in  having  had  consorts  whose  influence  became  fatal  to 
them;  both  partook  of  the  intense  unpopularity  their  wives  had  incurred.  The 
Empress  Alexandra  has  not  been  wasteful  and  extravagant  as  was  Marie  An- 
toinette; but  her  connection  with  the  notorious  Rasputin,  to  whom  in  her  hys- 
teria she  became  quite  submissive,  sapped  the  last  remnants  of  loyalty  to  the 
dynasty.  Rasputin's  corpse  was  buried  in  the  Imperial  park  at  Tsarsko'ie  Selo, 
and  I  was  told  that  when  the  corpse  had  been  removed  to  be  burnt — in  order 
to  put  an  end  to  this  sordid  story  and  to  any  attempt  at  beatification  of  the 
"Starest" — an  Ikon  (a  Saint's  image)  was  found  with  the  corpse,  on  the  back 
of  which  were  written  the  names :  Alexandra,  Olga,  Tatyana,  etc., — the  whole 
of  the  family. 

But  the  supreme  trait  of  similarity  between  the  two  ill-fated  queens  is  their 
"enemy  connection";  Marie  Antoinette  "I'autrichienne,"  Alexandra  the  German, 
female  cousin  of  Wilhelm,  the  Kaiser.  And  unfortunately  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  Tsaritsa's  "enemy  connection"  was  far  from  innocent.  She  has  not  only 
been  active  in  all  the  tentative  efforts  for  a  separate  peace ;  but  I  was  told  in 
diplomatic  circles  that  on  one  occasion  an  offensive  movement,  fully  prepared, 
had  been  stopped  by  a  telegram  signed  by  her  name.  A  wireless  was  in  function 
at  Tsarsko'ie  Selo,  corresponding  with  Nauen. 

Anybody  can  see  how  all  this  must  have  killed  the  last  remnants  of  loyalty, 


10  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

already  undermined  by  the  notorious  incapacity  of  the  administration  to  cope 
with  the  problems  of  the  war.  The  continual  changes  of  ministers  proved  the 
vacillation  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Tsarism  was  evidently  tottering  to  its  fall. 

Quern  Deus  perdere  vult,  prius  dementat.  The  Government,  in  an  act  of 
sheer  desperation,  added  open  provocation  to  its  glaring  faults  and  shortcomings. 
By  stopping  the  transport  of  food  to  Petrograd,  it  intended  to  call  forth  riots 
in  the  capital;  they  were  to  serve  as  pretexts  for  an  adjournment  of  the  Duma, 
for  the  creation  of  a  practical  dictatorship,  probably  in  the  hands  of  Protopopoff 
or  of  a  "strong"  general,  and  lastly  for  the  conclusion  of  a  separate  peace. 
Ef remoff  told  me  that  one  was  on  the  track  of  a  telegram  to  this  effect :  "Almost 
all  transports  to  Petrograd  stopped.  Everything  goes  well."  Under  it  the  sig- 
nature of  a  minister. 

The  form  which  the  provocation  took  called  in  the  element  which  made  the 
revolution.  The  Duma  would  perhaps  have  been  capable  of  a  coup  d'Etat — 
and  Ef  remoff  told  me  that  in  fact  this  had  always  been  the  favorite  hypothesis, — 
only  the  proletariat  are  willing  to  pay  with  their  lives.  And  the  proletariat 
found  an  associate  in  the  garrison  of  Petrograd.  These  two  facts  are  of  capital 
importance ;  the  latter  gave  the  victory  to  the  revolution ;  both  together  deter- 
mined the  democratic  character  of  the  events,  and  it  seems  as  if  this  character- 
istic has  come  to  stay.  The  democratic  elements  have  been  very  strong  in  the 
revolution  itself,  and  these  forces  are  organizing  themselves  in  order  to  main- 
tain their  influence. 

The  troops  at  Petrograd  combined  with  the  workmen,  refused  to  shoot  on 
the  people  and  turned  their  guns  against  the  police.  The  explanation  of  this 
extraordinary  fact  is  to  be  found  in  the  composition  of  these  troops.  They  were 
not  real  garrison  soldiers ;  they  were  partly  older  reserve  soldiers,  recently  called 
to  the  colors  after  having  passed  years  in  their  villages,  partly  young  recruits 
who  had  not  yet  undergone  the  influence  of  the  barracks.  They  were  really  a 
peasant  democracy,  who  through  their  stay  in  the  regiments  had  developed  a  cer- 
tain class  feeling,  not  as  soldiers,  but  as  peasant  laborers  having  interests  in 
common  with  the  Petrograd  proletariat,  among  whom  many  of  them  probably 
have  found  friends  or  relatives  from  their  own  villages.  When  ordered  to  fire 
on  the  people,  ,they  immediately  protested  and  fired  on  the  police  instead.  And 
the  two  popular  forces  then  turned  to  the  Duma,  as  the  representative  of  the 
Russian  nation,  asking  the  national  assembly  to  take  the  lead  which  had  fallen 
from  the  hands  of  the  Government. 

In  order  to  cooperate,  the  soldiers  and  workmen  organized  their  Council,  to 
which  each  regiment  and  each  factory  sent  a  delegate.  Through  an  executive 
committee  and  a  delegation,  they  opened  negotiations  with  the  Duma,  whose 
Executive  Committee,  as  stated  above,  was  ready  to  act. 


RUSSIA  IN  REVOLUTION  11 

KERYENSKI 

The  central  figure  in  this  situation  became  the  Duma  member  for  Saratoff, 
Keryenski,  a  young  barrister.  This  remarkable  man  is  the  leader  of  the  "revolu- 
tionary socialists," — in  so  far  a  misnomer,  as  they  are  revolutionary  only  as 
the  word  applies  to  the  method  of  their  action.  As  long  as  the  autocracy  existed, 
they  approved  of  terroristic  attempts.  After  the  revolution,  they  declared  for 
parliamentary  action  and  popular  propaganda  alone,  and  one  of  Keryenski's  first 
decrees  as  Minister  of  Justice  has  abolished  capital  punishment.  In  their  pro- 
gram they  can  hardly  be  said  to  be  socialists ;  it  is  rather  an  agrarian  party  > 
aiming  at  the  creation  of  a  class  of  small  proprietors,  and  most  of  their  adherents 
are  peasants  and  land  laborers,  while  the  workers  of  the  towns  rally  round 
Cheidze,  who  is  an  orthodox  Marxist,  and  whose  program  appeals  to  the  indus- 
trial working  man. 

Keryenski  has  been  the  link  between  the  bourgeois  Duma  and  the  soldiers' 
and  workmen's  delegates.  Through  his  unique  eloquence  and  moral  courage, 
he  has  been  able  to  exert  an  enormous  influence  during  these  first  difficult  weeks, 
and  the  continued  success  of  the  revolution  will  to  a  very  large  extent  depend  on 
his  personal  authority.  It  is  therefore  a  matter  of  very  grave  concern  that  his 
health  is  far  from  good.  He  is  suffering  from  tuberculosis  of  the  kidneys,  one 
of  which  has  been  removed — alas  very  late;  for  the  Russian  surgeons  had  not 
discovered  what  was  really  the  matter;  it  was  during  a  visit  to  Finland  that  the 
very  serious  state  of  his  health  was  discovered  and  the  necessary  operation 
undertaken. 

He  is  sitting  in  the  new  Government  as  the  representative,  but  at  the  same 
time  as  the  hostage,  of  democracy.  It  would  be  most  difficult  to  find  a  substi- 
tute, and  every  well-wisher  for  Russia  will  hope  and  pray  that  he  may  be  spared 
for  the  great  mission  awaiting  him.  He  made  an  extraordinary  impression  on 
me  during  my  conversation  with  him ;  a  soul  of  fire,  sincere  and  truthful  to 
himself,  at  the  same  time  a  powerful  intelligence,  and  a  born  leader.  His  powers 
of  work  are  said  to  be  extraordinary. 

His  associates  in  the  Government  are  all  exceptionally  able  men, — perhaps 
with  one  exception,  Tereshtshenko,  the  Minister  of  Finance.  He  is  quite  a 
young  man,  hardly  thirty,  a  multi-millionaire  from  Kieff,  owner  of  a  big  indus- 
try created  by  his  father.  He  has  been  selected,  partly  at  any  rate,  because  he 
represents  the  Ukrainians,  while  all  the  other  ministers  are  Great  Russians,  as 
the  endings  of  their  names  show. 

Most  of  the  ministers  are  Cadets :  Milyukoff,  Rodicheff,  Minister  for  Fin- 
land, Shingaryeff,  NekrasofT,  Minister  for  Communications, — the  latter  the  most 
advanced  radical.  The  premier,  Prince  Lvoff,  and  Professor  Manuiloff,  Minister 
of  Public  Instruction,  also  belong  rather  to  this  party,  while  Konovalofr"  is  a 
Progressive,  Gutchkoff  and  Godneff,  the  Comptroller  General,  are  Octobrists, 


12  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

and  V.  N.  Lvoff,  the  procurator  of  the  General  Synod,  is  standing  still  more 
towards  the  right.  There  is  nothing  radical  nor  subversive  about  this  govern- 
ment. As  already  remarked,  it  has  rather  an  imperialistic  element  in  Milyukoff 
and  Gutchkoff.  But  by  the  irresistible  force  of  events  they  are  pushed  towards 
a  pronounced  democratic  policy  and  towards  a  republican  constitution.  They 
see,  for  the  time  being,  no  other  solution;  their  adherence  must  be  considered  as 
quite  sincere,  but  it  is  probably  not  without  a  certain  regret  and  apprehension 
that  they  look  towards  the  future.  And  their  attitude  will  probably  be  still 
more  skeptical,  when  the  big  social  problems  will  be  at  issue,  especially  the 
agrarian  question. 

The  big  crown  with  the  imperial  eagle  which  adorned  the  facade  of  the 
Winter  Palace  was  first  covered  by  the  revolutionary  red  cloth — now  the  national 
color;  some  days  later  it  was  wholly  removed,  a  small  red  flag  on  a  little  stick 
figuring  in  its  place.  No  return  to  monarchy  should  be  possible. 

I 

CHIEF  FACTORS  OF  THE  PRESENT  SITUATION 

The  first  question  which  offers  itself  in  this  connection  is  whether  there 
is  any  possibility  of  reaction.  Is  Tsardom  deeply  rooted  in  the  Russian  people? 
Will  the  nobility,  will  the  army,  will  the  clergy,  will  bureaucracy,  rally  round  it, 
and  will  they  be  able  to  exercise  any  influence  on  the  masses?  Dr.  Emmanuel 
Nobel,  the  nephew  of  the  famous  inventor  and  donator,  and  now  head  of  the 
big  house  Freres  Nobel,  an  able  man  with  a  very  wide  outlook,  said  to  me: 
"There  are  no  other  people  mourning  for  the  Tsar  than  those  who  were  draw- 
ing pensions  from  the  civil  list,  and  perhaps  some  sentimental  old  women." 
This  may  be  a  somewhat  extreme  statement.  But  it  really  seems  as  if  Tsar- 
dom's  roots  have  been  torn  loose  to  an  extraordinary  degree.  It  is  of  course 
possible  that  if  the  "classes,"  the  vested  interests,  are  exposed  to  very  harsh 
treatment  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  years,  they  may  then  rally  round  a  sort 
of  legitimist  banner.  But  there  are  no  signs  that  the  monarchists  will  be  able 
to  muster  another  Vendee,  or  that  a  Russian  Malesherbes  will  stand  forth — if 
need  be, — to  defend  his  late  master. 

The  nobility,  the  great  land  owners,  must  of  necessity  look  with  misgivings 
to  the  future;  the  agrarian  problem  can  not  be  solved  without  some  sacrifice  on 
their  part.  But  Tsardom  has  not  always  been  working  in  their  exclusive  interests 
either.  Alexander  the  Second's  liberation  of  the  serfs,  Stolypin's  land  laws 
attacked  their  immediate  interests.  They  will  form  a  conservative  element,  but 
they  are  not  sure  to  be  legitimists. 

As  to  the  army,  the  incapacity  and  the  treason  of  the  dynasty  during  the 
war  have  put  an  end  completely  to  loyalty  in  the  ranks,  and  also  among  the 
officers.  Not  only  the  Petrograd  garrison  but  also  the  army  as  a  whole,  is  first 
of  all  patriotic,  anti-German.  And  the  dynasty  has  been  known  as  pro-German. 


RUSSIA  IN  REVOLUTION  13 

A  foreigner,  especially  one  who  has  been  living  in  a  Roman  Catholic  country 
like  Belgium,  will  anxiously  ask  concerning  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  both  with 
respect  to  their  feelings  for  the  old  order  of  things,  and  with  regard  to  their 
influence  on  the  villagers,  more  especially  on  the  peasant  women,  if  the  Republic 
were  to  give  them  a  vote.  The  Russians  had  no  misgivings  in  this  direction.  It 
is  true  that  the  clergy  of  an  established  and  endowed  Church  have  always  had  the 
greatest  respect  for  "the  powers  that  be,"  and  it  may  not  therefore  be  so  sur- 
prising that,  immediately  upon  the  abdication  of  the  Tsar  Nicholas,  the  clergy 
bowed  to  the  new  Government  and  left  his  name  and  that  of  his  family  out  of 
the  prayers  in  all  Russian  churches;  instead  came  threefold  prayer  for  Holy 
Russia. 

The  telegraph  is  a  wonderful  discipliner  of  a  nation.  There  are  no  longer 
lost  corners  of  a  country  where  the  past  may  linger,  forgotten  and  unobserved 
for  years,  awaiting  the  favorable  opportunity  for  a  rush  for  power  again.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  confessional,  this  stronghold  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
does  not  play  any  important  part  at  all  in  Russia :  the  priest  would  never,  accord- 
ing to  the  Russians  themselves,  be  able  to  play  the  same  part  in  the  Russian 
village  as  Monsieur  le  Cure  is  playing  in  the  Belgian  or  in  the  French  country- 
side. The  "pope"  is  a  poor  man,  living  with  and  for  the  peasants ;  he  has  hardly 
any  class  feeling  as  a  priest. 

Finally,  as  to  bureaucracy,  it  will  of  course  be  willing  to  serve  its  old  master, 
if  it  sees  any  advantage  in  so  doing.  But  Russian  bureaucracy,  I  was  told,  is  as 
a  class  a  proletariat,  badly  paid,  therefore  corruptible;  but  without  any  feeling 
of  devotion  at  all  to  the  patron's  person.  As  le  convcntionnel,  nay,  le  regicide — 
as  Fouche  served  Napoleon  and  later  even  the  Bourbons,  as  they  had  served 
Danton  and  Robespierre  before,  because  it  was  natural  to  them  to  serve,  pro- 
vided they  were  paid  for  their  services ;  likewise  the  chinovnik  will  probably 
serve  the  new  regime,  whichever  it  may  be.  It  is  only  due  to  him  to  add  that 
of  course  in  both  cases  he  will  have  the  legitimate  feeling  of  serving  Russia. 

There  is  then  no  immediate  likelihood  of  any  monarchist  reaction,  pro- 
vided of  course  that  no  unforeseen  events — a  long  war  with  serious  defeats,  a 
violent  revolution  with  extreme  social  reforms — trouble  the  development.  It 
seems  as  if  the  Romanoffs  are  finally  made  away  with.  , 

What  is  Russia  to  do  with  the  dynasty?  This  is  a  most  thorny  problem, 
and  the  fate  of  Mary  Stuart,  of  Charles  the  First  and  of  Louis  XVI,  shows  how 
often  it  has  ended  in  tragedy.  Provisionally  they  will  probably  be  kept  under 
strict  supervision  in  Russia.  When  peace  has  come,  and  when  the  constitu- 
tional problem  has  received  its  final  solution,  they  will  probably  be  invited  to 
emigrate. 

In  a  review  of  the  forces  now  dominating  the  situation,  we  have  to  con- 
sider separately  the  Duma,  the  new  Government,  the  Council  of  Workmen  and 
Soldiers,  the  army  and  the  peasants. 


14  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

Politically,  the  new  Government  is  supreme  and  sovereign :  everything  is 
decided  by  their  decrees,  even  the  regulations  for  the  Constituent  Assembly  will 
be  fixed  in  this  way.  To  an  outsider  the  political  extinction  of  the  Duma  is  a 
puzzle.  There  is  a  juridical  reason :  the  Duma,  convoked  by  the  Tsar  and — 
according  to  certain  theories  at  any  rate, — not  an  independent  parliamentary 
assembly,  but  only  a  sort  of  consultative  body  for  legislative  matters,  may  per- 
haps be  considered  as  being  extinct  with  the  extinction  of  Tsarism.  Efremoff 
said  it  was  a  very  difficult  question  to  decide  whether  the  Duma  was  really  still 
a  legally  existing  institution.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Upper  Chamber,  the 
Council  of  Empire,  has  altogether  ceased  to  exist.  Of  course  in  a  revolution 
the  doubt  might  be  easily  removed  through  the  Duma's  constituting  itself  as  the 
representative  of  the  people.  But  this  has  not  been  done,  and  will  not  be  done 
for  a  plain  political  reason :  the  Duma  in  its  present  composition  is  too  reaction- 
ary a  body  to  be  able  to  cooperate  officially  in  the  work  of  the  revolution.  Its 
decisions  would  not  be  tolerated  by  the  democratic  forces  now  so  strong.  There- 
fore the  Duma  has  no  official  sittings.  The  members  are  meeting  in  conference. 
Its  Executive  Committee  is  in  close  cooperation  with  the  Government,  and  most 
of  its  members  are  delegated  to  control  the  administration,  both  central  and 
local,  to  go  to  the  front  in  order  to  address  the  soldiers,  to  supervise  the  imperial 
family,  etc.  But  above  all  the  Duma  is  exercising  a  representative  function. 
It  plays  the  part  of  the  constitutional  monarch  in  a  parliamentary  state;  the 
Duma  is  the  symbol  of  national  unity;  to  it  the  regiments  are  coming  to  receive 
their  benediction  before  leaving  for  the  front.  The  large  Catharina  Hall  in  the 
palace  of  the  Duma  was  resounding  with  patriotic  speeches  and  with  the  Mar- 
seillaise, while  Rodzianko  and  the  other  members  of  the  Executive  Committee 
received  deputations  and  addressed  processions. 

Enough  has  been  said  as  to  the  personal  ability  of  the  new  Government. 
It  has  from  the  beginning  had  the  character  of  a  coalition  Government,  and  this 
will  be  still  more  pronounced,  if,  as  some  papers  here  announce,  two  more 
socialists  besides  Keryenski  have  been  nominated.  One  of  these,  Plekhanoff,  is 
a  very  able  man,  and  what  is  important  just  now,  he  is  for  an  energetic  prose- 
cution of  the  war.  The  other  socialist  minister  is  unknown  to  me. 
f 

THE  WORKMEN'S  AND  SOLDIERS'  COUNCIL 

The  entrance  of  these  two  new  ministers  in  the  Government  is  a  symptom 
of  the  growing  influence  of  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Council.  It  is  neces- 
sary to  say  some  words  on .  this  institution,  which  is  of  a  pronounced  revolu- 
tionary character,  both  in  its  origin  and  its  organization.  It  was  created  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  revolution,  each  regiment  or  battalion,  each  factory  send- 
ing a  delegate  to  it.  The  Council  soon  swelled  to  such  dimensions — at  times 
between  1,500  and  2,000 — that  it  became  unmanageable.  An  Executive  Com- 


RUSSIA  IN  REVOLUTION  15 

mittee  was  created,  but  this  organ  too  became  too  big — about  100  members.  At 
last  a  delegation  of  five  was  put  at  the  helm,  especially  to  cooperate  with  the 
Government. 

It  is  evident  that  this  organization  must  be  a  very  loose  one.  And  the 
bourgeois  papers  have  not  been  slow  in  attacking  the  Council  on  this  basis. 
Several  of  the  members,  and  those  the  most  loud-voiced,  are  neither  workmen 
nor  soldiers,  but  professional  socialist  leaders,  like  the  advocate  Skobeleff.  The 
Rietch  asked  one  day,  in  a  very  pointed  article,  from  whom  the  different  mem- 
bers had  their  powers ;  some  light  and  some  public  control  might  be  healthy,  it 
was  added.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  and  quite  naturally,  the  Council  members  would 
hardly  all  of  them  be  able  to  point  to  unchallengeable  warrants.  And  its  repre- 
sentative character  is  being  seriously  impaired :  many  industrial  workmen,  after 
having  got  their  eight  hour  day,  no  longer  meet ;  the  soldiers  are  more  and  more 
leaving  for  the  front.  The  membership  is  at  the  best  a  changing  one,  and  the 
institution  in  general  of  an  exceptional  character.  It  might  therefore  be  sup- 
posed that  in  the  long  run  it  would  perhaps  be  superseded. 

There  are,  however,  some  conditions  which  will  probably  work  for  its  main- 
tenance. As  already  said,  the  workmen  and  soldiers  have  paid  for  the  revolu- 
tion; they  know  this  and  they  wish  to  insist  on  a  right  of  control.  Besides  the 
movement  for  organization  of  like  councils  has  spread  through  all  Russia,  and 
even  through  the  army.  It  seems  as  if  there  will  be  a  sort  of  national  basis, 
which  though  imperfect,  will  of  course  prop  up  the  mother  Council.  Finally  the 
stream  of  exiled  revolutionaries  now  returning  to  Russia,  whose  names  have 
been  hallowed  by  their  courage  and  sufferings,  and  who  on  their  arrival  in 
Russia  at  once  rally  to  the  Council,  will  add  new  luster  to  its  otherwise  waning 
consideration.  It  must  also  be  said  that  this  institution  perhaps  is  a  safety  valve, 
through  the  opportunity  it  offers  for  public  discussion.  The  fact  that  the  dele- 
gation of  five  is  cooperating  with  the  Government,  must  also  inspire  a  certain 
feeling  of  responsibility.  On  the  other  hand,  the  conviction  is  very  strong  among 
the  democrats  and  socialists  forming  the  Council,  that  the  Government  must  be 
controlled  and  kept  to  its  task  of  pursuing  a  clear  democratic  policy.  There  is 
here  matter  for  serious  conflicts,  and  the  path  of  the  revolution  is  certainly  beset 
with  difficulties.  But  there  are  also  signs  pointing  to  the  possibility  of  a  slow 
liquidation  of  these  difficulties,  and  the  latest  news  from  Russia  before  this 
writing  (April  20)  is  of  very  good  augury.  It  seems  as  if  the  Council  is  pre- 
pared to  leave  the  whole  direction  of  affairs  in  the  hands  of  the  Government. 
About  the  special  question  of  the  leanings  within  the  Council  towards  a  separate 
peace,  I  shall  say  some  words  further  on. 

THE  ARMY 

I  come  next  to  the  army,  an  all-important  factor  in  the  present  situation. 
It  was  the  Petrograd  garrison  that  determined  the  course  of  the  revolution  itself. 


16  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

and  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  program  of  the  new  Government  stated  as 
one  of  the  conditions  of  the  settlement  that  the  troops  now  forming  the  Petro- 
grad  garrison  shall  remain  there.  This  was  a  means  of  security  to  the  new 
order  of  things,  as  these  troops  could  be  relied  upon;  it  was  also  a  privilege  to 
the  troops.  Among  these  soon  spread  a  certain  spirit  of  anarchy,  mistaken  ideas 
of  applying  democratic  ideas  to  military  organization.  The  soldiers  would  not 
salute  their  officers,  which  was  of  small  importance;  they  obtained  the  right  of 
smoking  everywhere — still  more  innocent ;  but  they  also  insisted  on  electing  their 
officers,  which  might  have  been  dangerous,  especially  during  war.  These  ideas 
began  spreading  to  other  parts  of  the  army,  and  the  generals  at  the  front  began 
to  be  afraid  that  the  discipline  might  give  way,  and  that  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 

This  danger  was  so  evident  that  it  carried  its  own  remedy  in  itself.  The 
Government,  moreover,  with  great  adroitness  used  the  danger  as  a  means  to 
rally  round  it  the  whole  of  public  opinion.  On  March  21/8  the  Rietch  pub- 
lished a  leading  article  (really  written  by  Milyukoff)  which  in  very  serious 
words  pointed  to  the  danger  of  the  Riga  front  being  attacked.  It  was  evident 
to  everybody  able  to  read  between  the  lines,  that  if  the  danger  had  been  very 
grave,  they  would  not  have  dared  to  speak  so  openly  about  it.  But  on  the  simple 
minds  the  effect  was  immediate.  The  cry  "Hannibal  ante  muros"  soon  resounded 
everywhere,  in  all  orations,  in  all  the  press  leaders.  Duma  members  were  dis- 
patched to  the  front  to  insist  on  unity  and  on  military  discipline.  This  was  most 
urgent.  At  Kronstadt  and  at  Helsingfors  especially,  the  marines  had  committed 
most  deplorable  excesses. 

The  salutary  effects  of  the  new  movement  were  soon  evident.  The  troops 
at  Petrograd  began  to  ask  to  be  sent  to  the  front,  and  it  was  settled  that  the 
regiments  should  be  used  as  recruiting  and  training  bodies,  while  the  men  form- 
ing them  were  dispatched  to  the  active  army.  I  saw  thousands  of  young  recruits 
being  trained  before  the  Winter  Palace  and  on  the  Champ  de  Mars,  while  a  con- 
tinual stream  of  regiments  were  marched  through  the  streets,  their  bands  play- 
ing the  Marseillaise  and  the  red  banners  carrying  inscriptions  like  these:  "Con- 
fidence in  the  Provisional  Government" ;  "The  War  to  be  waged  for  a  Peace 
worthy  of  Russia."  The  men  began  saluting  the  officers  in  the  street,  and  the 
workers  in  the  munition  factories  resolved  to  work  extra  hours,  in  order  to  make 
up  for  the  shortcomings  of  the  war  industry. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  when  at  the  end  of  March  (new  style)  I  left  Petro- 
grad, the  Government  was  much  more  firmly  seated  in  its  saddle  than  a  fort- 
night before.  Both  Keryenski  and  Milyukoff  said  to  me:  "The  most  critical 
moments  have  passed."  And  the  Swedish  socialist  leader  Branting,  an  excep- 
tionally able  and  intelligent  man,  who  has  just  been  here  after  having  passed  his 
Easter  holiday  at  Petrograd,  confirms  my  impression.  Branting  had  been  much 
more  in  the  circles  of  socialist  workmen  and  soldiers  than  myself.  His  estimate 


RUSSIA  IN  REVOLUTION  17 

of   Keryenski   was   extraordinarily   high.      The    fate    of    Russia's    future   would 
chiefly  hang  on  this  young  man. 

PROBLEMS  OF  THE  FUTURE 

The  first  problem  which  had  to  be  solved  was  the  re-victualling  of  Petro- 
grad.  If  the  capital  was  again  placed  in  danger  of  famine,  new  riots  would  be 
inevitable.  I  have  said  that  great  progress  was  observed  under  this  head  during 
my  stay  already,  partly  of  course  because  the  scarcity  had  been  artificially  created. 
In  the  city  itself  great  stores  were  discovered,  in  part  in  the  houses  of  the  late 
ministers. 

The  provision  problem,  both  for  the  towns  and  for  the  army,  is  chiefly  a 
question  of  transportation;  besides  the  maximum  prices,  recently  introduced,  do 
not  tempt  the  producers  to  sell,  especially  because  of  the  depreciation  of  Russian 
money.  Nekrasoff  and  Chingareff  between  them  have  a  very  complicated  problem 
to  solve.  Perhaps  American  and  English  specialists  may  help  to  create  a  new 
method  in  the  administration  of  Russian  railways.  Some  lines  are  already  run 
by  Englishmen. 

THE  CONSTITUENT  ASSEMBLY 

The  next  big  question,  besides  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  is  the  organization 
and  the  convocation  of  the  Constituent  Assembly. 

The  Government  program  says  the  Assembly  was  to  meet  "as  soon  as 
possible."  I  suppose  the  ministers  are  likely  to  put  the  stress  on  the  last  word. 
Indeed,  I  hardly  spoke  with  one  bourgeois  politician  without  his  shaking  his 
head  over  the  impossibility  of  coordinating  the  working  of  this  Assembly  with 
the  active  prosecution  of  the  war.  They  therefore  sincerely  hope  to  see  the 
end  of  the  war  in  the  autumn.  But  if  the  end  does  not  come,  they  are  likely 
to  insist  on  the  necessity  of  postponing  the  Assembly.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
more  extreme  elements  wish  to  strike  the  iron  while  it  is  hot,  and  the  last 
proclamation  from  the  Council  requests  the  immediate  organization  of  the  As- 
sembly. The  premier,  Prince  Lvoff,  has  said  it  was  to  meet  within  a  period  of  at 
least  three,  at  most  six  months.  The  problem  is  not  only  one  of  organization : 
for  instance,  how  are  the  soldiers  at  the  front  to  vote,  the  vote  being  not  only 
the  act  of  putting  a  ballot  in  a  box,  but  a  method  of  contributing  to  form  a  real 
public  opinion  on  a  series  of  very  grave  questions ;  but  there  is  also  the  serious 
difficulty  of  having  a  deliberative  Assembly  sitting  discussing  intricate  constitu- 
tional and  social  problems,  while  the  greatest  war  in  history  is  being  waged  at 
the  frontier.  Indeed,  it  is  highly  to  be  desired  that  the  bloodshed  might  come 
to  an  early  end,  if  for  no  other  reason,  lest  the  future  of  Russia  should  be 
compromised. 

As  to  the  future  constitution,  there  is  officially  and  outwardly  absolute 
unanimity:  the  cadets,  even  the  progressives,  have  put  the  democratic  republic 


18  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

on  their  program.  Indeed,  no  sane  politician,  at  the  present  juncture,  considers 
any  other  solution  as  possible.  Monarchy,  and  especially  the  dynasty,  are  com- 
promised beyond  remedy ;  none  of  the  Grand  Dukes  is  to  be  thought  of  as  Tsar, 
because  it  would  imply  dangerous  family  connections.  But  bourgeois  politicians 
are  far  from  enthusiastic  republicans.  They  see  the  danger  in  such  an  enor- 
mous empire  passing  at  one  single  step  from  an  autocracy  to  a  republic,  and  they 
are  not  blind  to  the  advantages  of  monarchy,  as  a  symbol  of  the  unity  and  the 
indivisibility  of  the  nation.  This  does  not  imply  any  sentimentalism  towards  the 
little  father,  and  I  was  told  that  the  existence  of  this  sentiment  even  among  the 
peasants  was  greatly  exaggerated.  There  was  only  cool  political  calculation  in 
it.  Efremoff  went  to  the  length  of  saying  to  me:  "If  we  only  had  had  a  very 
popular  general —  This  would  seem  a  most  dangerous  experiment.  And  I 
know  that  Milyukoff  and  other  cadet  leaders  reluctantly  approved  of  the  republic 
being  admitted  to  their  program. 

I  imagine  that  the  solution  contemplated  is  a  sort  of  federal  republic,  based 
on  the  nationalities  and  races  within  the  enormous  empire  as  constituent  parts, 
probably  supplemented  with  local  divisions  in  the  Great  Russian  provinces.  This 
solution,  more  or  less  on  American  lines;  can,  as  in  the  United  States,  be  com- 
bined with  a  strong  executive  power.  It  sounds  like  a  prophecy  that  the  Ameri- 
can constitution  has  sometimes  been  defined  as  a  "tsaristic"  republic. 

Already  the  governmental  program  had  outlined  large  liberties  of  speech, 
of  association,  even  of  strike — the  first  instance,  I  believe,  in  history.  The  last 
point  is  of  special  importance  to  the  industrial  workman,  and  through  his  par- 
ticipation in  the  revolution  he  has  also  obtained  another  advantage :  the  eight- 
hour  day.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  one  of  the  Freres  Nobel  expressly  stated 
that  they  were  delighted  with  the  result  of  this  regime.  Its  efficiency  was  better 
than  the  former  one  with  the  long  hours,  which  had  tempted  to  passivity  and 
even  to  sabotage. 

THE  AGRARIAN  PROBLEM 

These  problems  of  industry  are,  however,  not  by  far  so  important  to  Russia 
as  the  all  dominating  agrarian  problem,  which  will  absorb  a  great  part  of  the 
activity  and  the  interests  of  the  Constituent  Assembly.  In  his  heart  of  hearts, 
every  Russian  is  an  agriculturist,  in  his  dreams  a  landed  proprietor.  "Land  and 
Liberty,"  was  written  on  every  second  red  banner.  The  soldiers,  peasants  them- 
selves or  peasants'  sons,  voiced  this  desire,  and  everybody  realized  that  it  had 
to  be  satisfied  on  a  very  large  scale. 

The  state  of  the  Russian  countryside  during  the  war  is  very  curious,  and  in 
a  certain  respect  an  unexpected  one.  The  absolute  prohibition  of  vodka — very 
strictly  executed;  in  the  Petrograd  hotels  I  saw  no  stronger  drink  than  kvass,  a 
sort  of  ginger  beer — has  stopped  the  chief  expense  of  the  peasants  toward 
luxury;  the  soldiers'  wives  and  mothers  receive  governmental  support;  the 


RUSSIA   IN   REVOLUTION  19 

absence  of  workmen  creates  a  great  demand  for  laborers,  with  a  consequent  rise 
of  wages :  all  this  combines  to  create  an  unknown  prosperity  in  the  villages.  The 
peasant  girls  were  able  to  buy  a  greater  number  of  those  gowns  which,  hanging 
new  and  not  yet  used  in  the  large  wardrobe,  are  to  impress  their  suitors.  They 
were  now  said  to  decline  work  offered  to  them  with  the  remark:  "I  have  got 
gowns  enough."  The  peasants,  among  them  the  soldiers,  on  returning  from  the 
front  or  from  captivity,  will  be  able  to  buy  land.  On  the  other  hand,  the  great 
landowners  are  often  unable  to  work  their  fields  because  of  the  scarcity  of  labor. 
They  will  therefore  be  willing  to  sell  land.  So  far  all  seems  well.  The  danger 
is  that  there  may  be  ideas  of  the  laborer's  right  to  own  the  land  he  now  tills. 
There  will  be  hot  debates  about  the  principle  of  expropriation  and  its  applica- 
tion. The  landowners  will  say :  Why  shall  landed  property  alone  be  considered 
as  more  or  less  liable  to  confiscation?  Why  not  as  well  the  industrial  plant,  or 
personal  property?  Fortunately,  immense  tracts  of  land  will  be  at  the  disposal 
of  the  nation  in  the  form  of  public  domains  or  of  land  belonging  to  the  monas- 
teries. Here  thousands  on  thousands  of  peasants  can  be  made  proprietors  with- 
out any  great  difficulty,  and  means  can  perhaps  be  found  of  financing  also  the 
transfer  of  private  land  from  the  great  owners  to  small  holders.  Everybody, 
however,  will  see  the  great  seriousness  of  this  problem  and  its  bearing  on  the 
future  of  Russia.  In  this  new  class  of  small  farmers  new  Russia  will  find  the 
basis  of  its  democracy,  just  as  the  French  Revolution  found  it  for  France. 

When  now  I  pass  to  the  racial  and  nationality  problems,  I  approach  already 
the  numerous  questions  hanging  on  the  problem  of  peace  and  war. 

The  Government  program  proclaimed  the  abolition  of  all  disabilities  for 
racial  and  religious  reasons.  This  principle,  loyally  executed,  will  automatically 
take  away  the  sting  in  the  otherwise  so  thorny  questions  of  delimitation  within 
the  Empire,  especially  in  the  west,  where  on  the  wide  plains  the  different  na- 
tionalities, Poles,  Ukrainians,  Lithuanians,  Ests  and  other  Baltic  races,  merge 
imperceptibly  one  into  the  other,  or  in  the  Caucasus,  where  the  motley  diversity 
is  as  great.  No  doubt,  however,  there  will  still  be  great  difficulties  in  this  respect, 
and  more  especially  this  will  be  the  case  with  the  Jews.  I  had  no  special  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  the  Semitic  problem,  and  therefore  shall  only  give  one  piece 
of  information,  which  shows  on  one  hand,  its  acuteness,  on  the  other,  the  appre- 
hensions as  to  the  future. 

The  leading  inspirer  of  the  Cadets  is  said  to  be  an  Israelitic  Petrograd  bar- 
rister, Vinaver,  a  close  friend  of  MilyukofFs  and  an  exceptionally  able  man. 
The  Government  had  nominated  him  a  Senator,  member  of  the  High  Court,  but 
he  declined,  because  he  would  not  expose  the  revolution  to  the  risk  of  being 
dubbed  a  "Semitic  machination."  Generally  the  Jews  took  up  an  attitude  of  great 
reserve.  Pogroms  were  still  considered  as  possible. 

To  return  to  the  problems  of  nationality,  there  are  two  questions  under  this 
head  which  require  special  treatment,  namely,  Finland  and  Poland. 


20  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

FINLAND 

The  complete  liberation  of  Finland,  the  reverse  of  all  laws  and  decrees 
issued  contrary  to  the  Finnish  constitution,  and  the  proclamation  of  the  right 
of  the  Finnish  people  to  decide,  through  their  own  representatives,  the  future 
relations  between  Finland  and  Russia,  was  on  one  hand  the  fulfillment  of  an 
old  pledge  from  Russian  liberals  to  the  Finns.  Especially  Milyukoff,  Rodicheff, 
now  Secretary  of  State  for  Finland,  and  Stakhovitch,  now  Governor  General, 
had  engaged  themselves  strongly  on  this  line.  It  was,  moreover,  a  sort  of  morn- 
ing gift  to  Western  Democracy,  which  has  always  taken  a  special  interest  in 
progressive  Finland.  And  it  was,  last,  but  not  least — a  stroke  of  generous  and 
far-sighted  policy  against  the  German  machinations  in  Finland,  which  surely 
in  certain  contingencies  might  have  been  extremely  dangerous ;  Finland  is  the 
glacis  of  Petrograd. 

It  is  no  secret  that  during  the  war  numerous  young  Finns  have  crossed  the 
frontier  to  go  to  Germany,  where  hundreds  of  them  have  been  trained  as  officers 
to  lead  an  eventual  Finnish  insurrection.  It  is  said  that  thousands  of  young  men 
in  Finland  itself  have  been  equipped  in  secret  for  military  service:  two  pairs 
of  boots,  a  winter  coat,  a  gun,  etc.  But  it  was  understood  that  no  movement 
was  to  be  initiated  if  the  Germans  did  not  succeed  in  throwing  artillery  across 
the  Gulf  of  Finland.  Hence  the  extreme  importance  of  the  Riga  front. 

This  movement  chiefly  found  its  adherents  among  the  Swedish  party  in 
Finland,  a  political  fraction  decidedly  on  the  wane,  but  still  important  because 
of  its  strong  intellectual  and  economic  position.  However,  only  part  of  them 
favored  this  policy  of  despair,  which  really  amounted  to  a  driving  out  of  the 
devil  by  Beelzebub.  Some  adherents  were  also  said  to  have  come  from  the 
"Old  Fennomans,"  a  conservative  party  which  often  has  been  very  weak- 
kneed  towards  Russia.  Their  belief  in  authority  as  the  supreme  prop  of  social 
life  may  have  brought  some  of  them  to  admire  the  Prussian  spirit. 

The  generous  action  on  the  part  of  the  new  Government  doubtless  has  re- 
moved the  ground  from  under  this  movement.  It  is  explicable,  however,  that 
these  ideas  did  not  die  at  once ;  some  may  still  nourish  them.  But  I  was  told 
during  my  short  stay  at  Helsingfors  and  in  my  subsequent  conversations  with 
Dr.  Torngren,  a  very  active  and  intelligent  Finnish  politician  and  publicist, 
during  our  common  journey  to  Sweden,  that  what  remained  of  this  way  of  think- 
ing in  Finland,  might  be  considered  as  a  negligible  quantity. 

I  saw  some  of  the  members  of  the  new  Finnish  Government,  among  them 
Mr.  Tokoi,  the  first  socialist  premier  of  any  European  country.  As  he  does  not 
speak  Swedish,  and  myself  not  Finnish,  we  conversed  in  English,  he  having 
passed  thirteen  years  in  Canada  as  a  carpenter.  After  his  return  to  Finland,  he 
became  the  head  of  the  national  federation  of  trade  unions,  and  this  activity  pre- 
pared him  for  political  life.  His  authority  is  great  also  outside  his  own  party. 


RUSSIA    IN   REVOLUTION  21 

He  was  chiefly  concerned  about  the  problem  of  re-victualling1  the  country. 
I  also  saw  an  old  friend  of  mine,  Professor  Setala,  leader  of  the  Young  Finns, 
now  Minister  of  Public  Instruction.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  best  intentions 
prevail,  both  on  the  Finnish  and  the  Russian  side,  of  arriving  at  a  working  ar- 
rangement between  the  two  countries.  On  the  Russian  side  the  presence  of 
Rodicheff,  of  Stakhovitch  as  Governor  General,  with  Baron  Korff,  a  jurist  of 
wide  knowledge  and  a  European  outlook,  as  the  Governor's  aide  de  camp, 
guarantees  this.  And  the  Finns  very  well  see  the  realities  of  the  problem :  that 
Russia  and  Finland  are  indissoluble  for  plain  geographical  reasons.  It  would 
be  sheer  insanity  for  Finland  to  rely  on  the  support  of  Germany,  from  which 
it  is  divided  by  the  sea,  while  Russia  dominates  its  entire  land  frontier  to  the 
east,  and  the  Russian  capital  is  situated  at  a  distance  of  some  few  miles.  More- 
over, Finnish  industrial  merchandise  and  dairy  produce  are  dependent  on  the 
Russian  market. 

But  the  Finns  do  not  desire  their  country  to  be  merged  in  the  Russian  Em- 
pire as  one  of  its  constituent  parts.  They  demand  a  separate  existence,  a  Fin- 
nish state  at  Russia's  side,  united  with  the  Empire  through  a  sort  of  loose  union, 
giving  to  Russia  only  the  direction  of  foreign  affairs.  The  problem  is  a  delicate 
one,  besides  entirely  new  in  the  history  of  constitutional  law,  if  Russia  is  to 
become  a  republic;  and  as  the  Finns  are  a  difficult  race  to  treat  with,  tenacious, 
sometimes  revengeful,  it  may  tax  the  powers  of  statesmen  on  both  sides. 

POLAND 

The  proclamation  from  the  Russian  Government  to  the  Poles  is  the  highest 
bid  made  during  the  war  for  the  sympathies  of  this  people,  who  after  a  tragedy 
of  more  than  a  hundred  years,  can  at  last  look  forward  with  certainty  to  a 
future  of  political  independent  life  for  part,  if  not  for  the  whole  of  the  race. 
This  bid  is  not  only  a  clever  diplomatic  device,  made  to  win  the  sympathy  of  the 
Poles;  it  is  a  sincere  application  of  the  principle  of  nationalities.  The  Russians 
of  course  wish  to  see  a  reunited  Poland,  including  the  Polish — but  not  the 
Ukrainian — part  of  Galicia,  the  whole  of  Posnania  and  the  Polish  parts  of 
Silesia  and  West  Prussia.  Only  this  enumeration  suffices  to  show  what  prob- 
lems will  be  raised  in  connection  with  this  program.  Germany  is  far  from  enter- 
taining any  idea  of  this  sort.  But  if  an  independent  Poland  were  formed,  say 
out  of  Russian  Poland  and  Western  Galicia,  it  would  certainly  exercise  a  most 
powerful  attraction  on  the  Poles  in  the  Prussian  irredenta.  It  is  incompre- 
hensible how  Austria  and  Germany  have  been  capable  of  creating  their  "King- 
dom of  Poland"  after  the  experience  of  Austria  with  an  Italian  and  a  Servian 
irredenta.  The  need  for  Polish  soldiers  must  have  been  enormous  indeed. 

Many  will  of  course  doubt  the  sincerity  of  Russia  in  giving  full  freedom  of 
action  to  the  Poles  as  to  the  future  of  their  new  state.  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  discussing  the  question  with  Efremoff,  now  a  member  of  the  Executive 


22  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

Committee,  consequently  in  close  touch  with  the  Government,  and  his  opinion 
was  that  after  all  an  entirely  independent  Poland  would  perhaps  represent  the 
best  solution  for  Russia.  A  buffer  state  might  be  useful  against  Germany, 
though  he  saw  the  danger  of  the  absence  of  military  frontiers,  if  the  principle 
of  international  anarchy  were  still  to  prevail.  But  he  moreover  added  that  a 
complete  severance  from  Poland  would  present  certain  inner  advantages  to 
Russia.  Polish  nobles  had  bought  land  ih  Russia,  and  they  were  hard  masters 
to  the  Russian  peasants.  Many  Poles  had  obtained  high  situations  in  Russian 
administration,  and  after  a  very  short  time  their  offices  had  been  filled  with 
Poles.  It  is  curious  to  observe  this  animosity  against  a  seemingly  subject  race 
which  has  been  able  to  obtain  a  superior  social  position.  There  are  parallels 
in  the  relation  between  English  and  Scots,  between  English  and  Irish. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  full  separation  would  raise  most  difficult  prob- 
lems— Polish  industry  is  dependent  on  the  Russian  market;  a  tariff  arrange- 
ment would  at  any  rate  be  necessary.  A  connection  between  Poland  and  Ger- 
many would  spell  economic  ruin  to  Polish  industry,  as  it  could  not  withstand 
German  competition.  For  this  reason  alone  no  Pole  in  his  senses  can  have 
seriously  entertained  the  idea  of  looking  westward. 

In  any  case,  whether  the  solution  is  to  be  one  of  complete  separation,  or 
one  of  a  connection  with  Russia,  there  will  be  the  most  difficult  problems  of 
delimitation.  While  the  Poles  probably  will  demand  both  Ukrainian  and 
Lithuanian  land,  as  having  belonged  to  their  ancient  kingdom,  Russia  will  insist 
on  these  provinces  forming  part  of  the  new  republic,  and  these  people  are  likely 
to  prefer  the  latter  solution.  Polish  domination  was  always  unpopular;  the 
Russians  are  much  more  easy-going.  I  should  add  that  I  have  had  no  oppor- 
tunity of  discussing  these  questions  with  the  Poles  themselves,  and  it  is  evident 
that  they  will  have  something  to  say  in  the  matter. 

PROBLEMS  OF  WAR  AND  PEACE 

War  provoked  the  revolution  in  Russia.  The  menace  from  the  enemy  dis- 
ciplines the  revolutionary  elements,  obliging  them  to  rally  round  the  Govern- 
ment. In  both  respects  the  war  may  be  considered  as  a  boon  to  Russia:  the 
country  has  had  a  return  for  its  enormous  sacrifices.  But  it  is  evident  to  all 
who  know  history  that  a  long  continued  war  would  prove  fatal  to  the  revolu- 
tion and  to  the  work  of  liberation  and  reorganization  within.  A  Napoleon  might 
be  born  in  Russia,  too. 

In  Russia, — the  wish  may  be  the  father  of  the  thought, — nearly  everybody 
I  spoke  to  believed  in  an  end  of  the  war  in  the  course  of  this  year.  Milyukoff 
predicted  it  with  the  greatest  assurance.  I  had  not  the  courage  to  express  my 
doubts  on  this  point.  I  am  afraid  we  may  still  be  in  the  middle  of  this  terrible 
tragedy. 


RUSSIA   IN   REVOLUTION  23 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Russia  is  still  able, — from  an  exclusively  military 
point  of  view, — to  prosecute  the  war.  Its  offensive  powers  are  impaired  through 
lack  of  munitions  and  guns.  But  the  new  regime  has  at  any  rate  done  away 
with  the  artificial  impediments  created  by  the  late  Government  and  the  dynasty, 
and  Russia  still  disposes  of  great  reserves  in  man-power — it  was  said  about 
forty  divisions,  at  least  one  million  of  fully  trained  men  besides  the  young 
recruits  now  being  trained,  and  one  year  gives  another  million — and  in  officers ; 
especially  there  is  a  large  reserve  of  cavalry  officers  who  might  be  used  also  as 
leaders  of  infantry.  Besides,  a  potential  reserve  is  to  be  found  in  young  culti- 
vated Jews,  who  have  been  trained  as  soldiers,  but  have  not  been  permitted  to 
serve  as  officers.  They  would  be  able — if  need  be — to  act  as  garrison  officers  and 
in  other  subsidiary  military  situations. 

The  financial  position  is  of  course  far  from  good.  The  debt  is  enormous, 
the  paper  money  flooding  the  country  is  daily  increasing  in  bulk,  and  the  foreign 
exchange  is  deplorable,  because  the  exports  have  practically  ceased.  But  eco- 
nomically speaking,  the  position  of  Russia  is  probably  better  than  that  of  any 
other  European  country  now  at  war.  Agriculture  is  Russia's  chief  pursuit;  in 
consequence  it  is  suffering  far  less  than  highly  industrialized  countries  like 
Great  Britain,  Germany  or  France.  It  can  find  within  its  own  borders  next  to 
everything  it  may  want.  The  problem  is  one  of  transportation  and  of  organiza- 
tion. 

Russia,  then,  can  certainly  go  on  with  the  war  for  years  still.  And  its 
present  Government  is  firmly  determined  to  remain  true  to  the  London  agree- 
ment, and  to  conclude  peace  only  in  common  with  the  other  allies.  It  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  the  support  of  the  Western  Powers  was  decisive  for  the  very 
success  of  the  "miraculous"  revolution;  that  Russia  financially  is  dependent 
on  France  and  Great  Britain,  tied  to  them  by  "golden  chains."  The  Government 
and  the  Duma  both  are  bent  on  prosecuting  the  war  as  one  of  liberation  for 
Europe  in  general.  Russia  has  freed  itself ;  now  Germany  and  Austria  are  to 
follow  suit.  This  is  a  conception  common  to  bourgeois  liberals  and  to  socialist 
workingmen.  Both  regard  the  two  Central  Powers  as  the  props  of  reaction  in 
Europe.  The  middle  classes  and  the  peasants  moreover  consider  the  war  as 
a  means  of  liberation  from  the  commercial  domination  of  Germany,  which 
was  established  by  the  treaty  of  1907. 

There  is  besides  a  not  unimportant  group  in  Russia  which  has  positive  war 
aims,  and  its  spokesman  is  the  foreign  minister,  Milyukoff.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war  he  has  proclaimed  that  it  was  a  vital  condition  to  Russia  to  get 
the  full  domination  of  Constantinople  and  the  Dardanelles.  A  neutralization 
or  internationalization  would,  according  to  him,  not  be  sufficient,  as  in  that  case 
the  Black  Sea  might  become  a  theater  of  war,  and  consequently  Russia  might 
be  obliged  to  fortify  the  coasts  and  build  a  strong  fleet.  If  Russia  got  the 
Dardanelles,  a  fortification  on  this  spot  alone  would  be  sufficient.  According  to 


24  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

Milyukoff,  Russia's  interest,  better  than  through  neutralization,  would  be  served 
by  Turkey,  or  another  feeble  state,  keeping  the  Straits. 

This  line  of  argument  calls  for  two  observations :  it  reasons  on  the  basis 
of  the  old  order  of  things  in  international  affairs,  and  it  is  decidedly  nationalis- 
tic. It  altogether  waives  the  interests  of  Roumanians :  this  ally  of  Russia's  would 
be  completely  throttled  from  a  maritime  point  of  view ;  it  has  no  other  outlet  to 
the  sea  except  that  on  the  Black  Sea.  The  Danube  would  offer  no  real  com- 
pensation. 

It  is,  however,  a  great  question  whether  Milyukoff's  view  is  shared  by  so 
large  and  powerful  sections  of  Russian  public  opinion  that  it  will  become  a 
national  demand  on  the  part  of  Russia,  provided  of  course  that  the  dice  of  war 
fall  so  as  to  enable  Russia  to  enforce  its  claim  in  this  respect.  Keryenski  told 
me  that  the  Government  as  a  whole  was  content  with  neutralization.  "Milyukoff 
does  not  dare  to  raise  this  question  now."  He  has  done  it  later,  though,  in  an 
interview  given  to  the  press,  and  here  he  also  raised  the  question,  which  plays 
so  prominent  a  part  in  the  note  of  the  Allies  of  January  11,  of  a  reconstruction 
of  the  Danube  monarchy,  an  erection  of  a  Czecho-Slovak  state,  the  agrandize- 
ment  of  Servia  and  of  Roumania.  I  do  not  quite  understand  the  origin  of  this 
interview — I  wonder  whether  it  was  not  given  to  the  press  some  time  ago,  and 
its  publication  delayed  for  some  reason.  For  it  is  really  completely  overruled 
by  the  all-important  Declaration  of  the  Government,  signed  by  Prince  Lvoff, 
and  published  on  April  11.  It  is  here  expressly  stated  that  "Free  Russia  does 
not  aim  at  the  domination  of  other  nations,  nor  will  it  deprive  any  people  of  its 
legitimate  heritage  nor  occupy  foreign  territory,  but  that  its  ambition  is  to  create 
a  lasting  peace  on  the  basis  of  the  independence  of  the  nations  and  their  full 
and  free  disposal  of  their  own  destinies."  This  implies  that  it  must  be  left 
to  Czechs  and  Slovaks,  to  Serbs  and  Roumanians,  to  decide  themselves  how  they 
can  best  work  out  their  proper  salvation. 

I  have  the  very  strong  impression  from  my  numerous  conversations  both 
with  political  men  and  with  ordinary  men  and  women  in  Russia,  that  nobody's 
heart  is  throbbing  quicker  at  the  thought  of  the  Dardanelles  flying  the  Russian 
flag,  or  of  orthodox  service  being  celebrated  in  Agia  Sophia.  The  same  thing 
can  certainly  be  said,  and  with  stronger  emphasis,  as  to  the  future  fate  of 
Austria-Hungary.  Most  Russians  were  of  opinion  that  Russia  had  won  so 
immensely  through  its  revolution  that  it  could  now  forego  all  imperialist  dreams ; 
Russia  was  to  be  a  factor  for  peace.  It  is  the  same  line  of  argument  which  is 
running  through  the  Government  Declaration. 

It  is  evident  that  this  document  is  the  outcome  of  negotiations  between  the 
Government  and  the  Council  of  Workmen  and  Soldiers.  It  is  virtually  a  com- 
promise. On  the  one  hand,  it  indirectly  condemns  Milyukoff's  nationalist  pro- 
gram ;  on  the  other,  it  still  more  strongly  protests  against  any  idta  of  a  separate 
peace. 


RUSSIA   IN  REVOLUTION  25 

The  Government  says  in  so  many  words  that  "all  questions  concerning  the 
war  and  its  conclusion  must  be  finally  settled  in  close  cooperation  with  our 
allies."  A  similar  declaration  has  later  been  issued  by  the  Council  of  Workmen 
and  Soldiers ;  they  also  expressly  pronounce  against  the  idea  of  a  separate  peace. 

This  idea  has  been  mooted  from  the  left  wing  of  the  socialists,  but  it  is  an 
error  to  think  that  it  is  a  separate  peace,  say  between  Russia  and  Germany,  or 
between  Russia  and  both  the  Central  Powers,  which  is  proposed.  This  extreme 
section  of  the  socialists  is  aiming  at  a  general  peace;  and, — what  should  not  be 
forgotten, — peace  on  a  condition  which  hardly  would  suit  the  German  or  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Government.  They  demand  that  the  soldiers  and  workmen 
on  the  other  side  imitate  their  example  by  making  a  revolution.  This  is  the  con- 
ception underlying  the  articles  in  the  extreme  socialist  paper,  the  Pravda 
(Truth).  "Under  their  revolutionary  red  banners,  the  Russian  soldiers  should 
go  against  their  German  brethren.  These  will  not  hestitate  to  go  to  meet  us 
under  the  same  ensign."  This  article  appeared  on  March  23.  Two  or  three 
days  later,  another  article  explained  that  the  former  had  been  misinterpreted. 
The  writer  (he  was  said  to  be  Leonid  Anderieff,  the  author),  had  meant  to 
say  that  the  Russian  soldiers  should  fasten  the  red  flag  to  their  bayonets  on 
marching  against  the  Germans ;  if  the  Germans  did  not  meet  them  in  the  same 
way,  they  were  to  use  the  bayonets.  There  is  here  no  real  ioundation  for  a 
policy.  And  the  Russian  socialist,  who  has  fought  against  the  Tsar,  sees  a  still 
greater  and  more  dangerous  enemy  in  Wilhelm. 

The  Russian  socialists  who  have  lately  returned  from  Switzerland, — Lenine 
is  their  leader, — have  been  handicapped  by  the  fact  that  they  were  allowed  to  pass 
through  Germany,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  will  command  any  serious 
influence.  To  resume :  there  seems  at  present  to  be  no  likelihood  at  all  of  any 
serious  section  of  Russian  public  opinion  really  supporting  the  idea  of  a  sepa- 
rate peace,  and  even  the  conception  of  a  general  peace  is  subordinated  to  con- 
ditions as  to  the  inner  state  of  things  in  the  Central  Powers,  which  as  yet  can 
not  be  said  to  exist. 

There  is  no  more  fascinating  problem  than  to  ponder  over  the  moral  effect 
on  Germany  of  the  Russian  revolution.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  must 
tell  seriously  on  the  will  to  prosecute  the  war.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
the  German  people  entered  the  war  as  one  waged  against  Tsardom  and  Russian 
barbarism.  There  is  no  more  a  Tsar  to  fight  against.  The  professional  military 
men  of  course  see  the  revolution  as  an  element  of  weakness.  This  was  the 
great  error  of  Austria  and  Prussia  in  1792,  too.  Of  course  the  revolution  at 
first  provoked  disorganization.  Stokhod  was  the  result.  But  it  is  quite  possible 
that  Russia  may,  even  from  a  military  point  of  view,  undergo  a  regeneration  and 
its  soldiers  fight  with  stronger  impulse  than  before,  though  our  industrialized, 
scientific  war  bears  a  different  character  from  that  of  a  hundred  years  ago.  The 
German  people  at  any  rate  will  see  no  reason  to  continue  a  war  against  a  Russian 


26  DR.  LANGE'S  REPORT 

democracy;  it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  evident  that  they  now  consider  England 
as  the  chief  enemy. 

The  other  psychological  effects  are  of  a  more  subtle  order.  The  Germans 
and  in  general  the  peoples  of  the  Central  Powers,  can  not  fail  to  ask  why  their 
political  system  is  to  remain  more  reactionary  than  that  of  the  entire  world. 
The  Easter  message  of  the  Kaiser  tries  to  satisfy  this  craving,  but  its  timid 
proposal  of  adjourning  the  question  can  hardly  satisfy.  The  ever  true  history 
of  the  Sibylline  books  may  repeat  itself,  and  he  who  did  not  know  how  to  give 
liberally  in  time,  will  perhaps  see  his  later  offers  scornfully  refused.  At  any 
rate  the  Chancellor's  position  must  be  almost  compromised,  he  had  to  rely, 
against  the  Tirpitz  faction,  always  dangerous,  on  the  liberal  and  socialist  parties ; 
they  have  been  estranged  by  the  refusal  of  immediate  political  reforms.  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg  may  one  day  find  himself  between  two  chairs. 

Combined  with  America's  entry  into  the  war,  with  the  ever  widening  circle 
of  enemies,  with  no  friends  outside  the  allies,  and  these  partly  sulky  and  dis- 
contented, the  impression  of  the  Russian  revolution  must  sap  the  roots  of  moral 
fiber  in  Germany.  Of  late  the  telegrams  announce  riots  in  Berlin.  One  would 
have  denied  the  possibility  of  a  revolution  in  Germany.  Sometimes  the  un- 
expected happens. 

Such  an  event  would  completely  change  the  face  of  things.  But  it  would  be 
idle  to  reason  on  the  base  of  such  a  hypothesis. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  great  fighting  powers  are  still  left  in  the  Germans. 
They  will  at  any  rate  be  capable  of  stubborn  resistance,  and  last  not  least,  this 
resistance  will  be  fired  to  violent  flames,  if  the  other  side  insists  on  extreme 
demands:  cession  of  territory  which  the  Germans  consider  as  German  ground, 
and  which  impartial  opinion  must  own  is  German;  subjection  to  vexatious  re- 
strictions with  regard  to  foreign  trade  and  to  colonial  expansion.  It  must  be 
the  hope  of  every  good  European  that  in  this  respect  American  influence  will 
be  one  of  moderation  and  of  wise  counsel. 

April  20,  1917. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  CARNEGIE  ENDOWMENT  FOR  INTERNATIONAL  PEACE 

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Additional  publications  will  be  announced  from  time  to  time. 

Publications  of  the  Secretary's  Office 

fYear  Book  for  1911;  Year  Book  for  1912;  Year  Book  for  1913-1914;  Year  Book  for  1915; 
Year  Book  for  1916;  Year  Book  for  1917. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  Intercourse  and  Education 

No.     1     SOME  ROADS  TOWARDS  PEACE:     A  REPORT  ON  OBSERVATIONS  MADE  IN  CHINA  AND 

JAPAN  IN  1912.    BY  DR.  CHARLES  W.  ELIOT,    vi— 88  p.    1914. 
fNo.    2    GERMAN  INTERNATIONAL  PROGRESS  IN   1913.     BY  PROFESSOR  DR.  WILHELM   PASZ- 

KOWSKI.    iii — 11  p.     1914. 

No.    3    EDUCATIONAL  EXCHANGE  WITH  JAPAN.    BY  DR.  HAMILTON  W.  MABIE.    8  p.    1914. 
fNo.    4    REPORT  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMMISSION  TO  INQUIRE  INTO  THE  CAUSES  AND  CON- 
DUCT OF  THE  BALKAN  WARS,    ix — 418  p.,  illus.,  maps.     1914. 

fNo.    5     INTELLECTUAL  AND  CULTURAL  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE 
OTHER  REPUBLICS  OF  AMERICA.     BY  DR.  HARRY  ERWIN  BARD,     iv — 35  p.     1914. 
No.    6    GROWTH  OF  INTERNATIONALISM  IN  JAPAN.     BY  T.  MIYAOKA.     iii — 15  p.     1915. 
fNo.    7    FOR   BETTER  RELATIONS   WITH  OUR  LATIN   AMERICAN   NEIGHBORS  :  A  JOURNEY  TO 

SOUTH  AMERICA.    [English  Edition.]    BY  ROBERT  BACON,     viii — 168  p.     1915. 
No.    8    THE  SAME,  IN  THE  ORIGINAL  SPANISH,  PORTUGUESE  AND  FRENCH,     viii — 221   p.     1915. 
A  second  edition  of  Mr.  Bacon's  Report,  containing  Nos.  7  and  8  in  one  volume,  has 
also  been  published. 
No.    9    FORMER  SENATOR  BURTON'S  TRIP  TO  SOUTH  AMERICA.    BY  OTTO  SCHOENRICH.    iii — 

40  p.     1915. 
No.  10    PROBLEMS  ABOUT  WAR  FOR  CLASSES  IN  ARITHMETIC.    BY  DAVID  EUGENE  SMITH, 

PH.D.,  LL.D.    23  p.    1915. 
No.  11     HYGIENE  AND  WAR;    SUGGESTIONS  FOR  MAKERS  OF  TEXTBOOKS   AND  FOR   USE  IN 

SCHOOLS.    BY  GEORGE  ELLIS  JONES,  PH.D.    1917. 

No.  12    RUSSIA,  THE  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  WAR.    AN  ACCOUNT  OF  A  VISIT  TO  PETROGRAD 
AND  HELSINGSFORS  IN  MARCH,   1917.    BY  DR.  CHRISTIAN  L.  LANGE,   SECRETARY 
GENERAL  OF  THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION.    26  p.     1917. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  Economics  and  History 

*NATIONALISM  AND  WAR  IN  THE  NEAR  EAST.  BY  A  DIPLOIMATIST.  Edited  by  Lord  Court- 
ney of  Penwith.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  xxvi 
—434  p.  1915.  Price,  $4.15. 


*THE  INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT  AND  COMMERCIAL  POLICIES  OF  THE  THREE  SCANDINAVIAN 
COUNTRIES.  BY  POVL  DRACHMANN.  Edited  by  Harald  Westergaard,  LL.D. 
Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England.  130  p.  1915.  Price.  $1.50. 

*LOSSES  OF  LIFE  IN  MODERN  WARS.  AUSTRIA-HUNGARY;  FRANCE.  BY  GASTON  BODART, 
LL.D. — MILITARY  SELECTION  AND  RACE  DETERIORATION.  BY  VERNON  LYMAN 
KELLOGG.  Edited  by  Harald  Westergaard,  LL.D.  Published  by  the  Clarendon 
Press,  Oxford.  England,  x— 207— 6  p.  1916.  Price,  $2.00. 

*ECONOMIC  PROTECTIONISM.  BY  JOSEF  GRUNZEL.  Edited  by  Eugen  von  Philippovich.  Pub- 
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$2.90. 

^EPIDEMICS  RESULTING  FROM  WARS.  BY  DR.  FRIEDRICH  PRINZING.  Edited  by  Harald  Wes- 
tergaard, LL.D.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  xii — 
340_6  p.  1916.  Price,  $2.50. 

*THE  COLONIAL  TARIFF  POLICY  OF  FRANCE.  BY  DR.  ARTHUR  GIKAULT.  Edited  by  Charles 
Gide.  Published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford,  England,  viii — 305 — 6  p. 
1916.  Price,  $2.50. 

Publications  of  the  Division  of  International  Law 

*THE  HAGUE  CONVENTIONS  AND  DECLARATIONS  OF  1899  AND  1907,  2d.  ed.  Edited  by  James 
Brown  Scott,  Director,  xxxiii— 303  p.  1915.  Price,  $2.00. 

"'LAS  CONVENCIONES  Y  DECLARACiONES  DE  LA  HAYA  DE  1899  Y  1907.  Edited  by  James  Brown 
Scott,  Director,  xxxv— 301  p.  1916.  Price,  $2.00. 

*THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE  SEAS.  A  dissertation  by  Hugo  Grotius.  Translated  with  a  revision 
of  the  Latin  text  of  1633,  by  Ralph  van  Deman  Magoffin,  Ph.D.  Edited  by 
James  Brown  Scott,  Director,  xv— 83  p.  (Parallel  pp.)  1916.  Price,  $2.00. 

*!NSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  AMERICAN  DELEGATES  TO  THE  HAGUE  PEACE  CONFERENCES  AND  THEIR 
OFFICIAL  REPORTS.  Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director,  v — 138  p.  1916. 
Price,  $1.50. 

*THE  STATUS  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL  COURT  OF  JUSTICE,  with  an  appendix  of  addresses  and 
official  documents,  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director,  v— 93  p.  1916.  Price,  $1.50. 

*AN  INTERNATIONAL  COURT  OF  JUSTICE,  by  James  Brown  Scott,     ix — 108  p.   1916.   Price,  $1.50. 

*  RECOMMENDATIONS  ON  INTERNATIONAL  LAW  AND  OFFICIAL  COMMENTARY  THEREON  OF  THE 
SECOND  PAN  AMERICAN  SCIENTIFIC  CONGRESS  HELD  IN  WASHINGTON,  DECEMBER 
27,  1915-jANUARY  8,  1916.  Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  vii— 53  p.  1916. 
Price,  $1.00. 

*AN  ESSAY  ON  A  CONGRESS  OF  NATIONS  FOR  THE  ADJUSTMENT  OF  INTERNATIONAL  DISPUTES 
WITHOUT  RESORT  TO  ARMS,  by  William  Ladd.  Reprinted  from  the  original  edi- 
tion of  1840,  with  an  introduction  by  James  Brown  Scott,  Director.  1 — 162  p. 
1916.  Price,  $2.00. 

*THE  HAGUE  COURT  REPORTS,  comprising  the  awards,  accompanied  by  syllabi,  the  agreements 
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*RESOT,UTIONS  OF  THE  INSTITUTE  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW  DEALING  WITH  THE  LAW  OF  NA- 
TIONS, with  an  historical  introduction  and  explanatory  notes.  Collected  and 
translated  under  the  supervision  of  and  edited  by  James  Brown  Scott,  xli — 
261  p.  1916.  Price,  $2.00. 

^DIPLOMATIC  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  EUROPEAN  WAR.  Edited  by  James  Brown  Scott, 
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*THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  ;  THE  ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION  ;  THE  CONSTITUTION 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  Edited,  with  an  Introductory  Note,  by  James  Brown 
Scott,  Director.  124  p.  1917.  Price  to  be  announced. 

PAMPHLET  SERIES 

No.     1     ARBITRATIONS  AND  DIPLOMATIC  SETTLEMENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,     vii — 21  p. 
No.    2    LIMITATION  OF  ARMAMENT  ON  THE  GREAT  LAKES.    The  report  of  John  W.  Foster, 

Secretary  of  State,  December  7,  1892.    vii— 57  p.     1914. 
No.    3    SIGNATURES,  RATIFICATIONS,  ADHESIONS  AND  RESERVATIONS  TO  THE  CONVENTIONS 

AND  DECLARATIONS  OF  THE  FIRST  AND  SECOND  HAGUE  PEACE  CONFERENCES,    vii 

—32  p.     1914. 
No.    4    THE  HAGUE  CONVENTIONS  OF  1899  (I)  AND  1907  (I)  FOR  THE  PACIFIC  SETTLEMENT 

OF  INTERNATIONAL  DISPUTES,     iv — 48  p.     1915. 


1  No.    5    THE  HAGUE  CONVENTIONS  OF  1899  (II)  AND  1907  (IV)  RESPECTING  THE  LAWS  AND 

CUSTOMS  OF  WAR  ON  LAND,    iv— 33  p.     1915. 

No.  6  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTIONS  OF  1899  (III)  AND  1907  (X)  FOR  THE  ADAPTATION  TO 
MARITIME  WARFARE  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  GENEVA  CONVENTION,  iv 19  p. 

No.  7  THE  HAGUE  DECLARATIONS  OF  1899  (IV,  1)  AND  1907  (XIV)  PROHIBITING  THE 
DISCHARGE  OF  PROJECTILES  AND  EXPLOSIVES  FROM  BALLOONS,  iv— 5  p.  1915. 

No.  8  THE  HAGUE  DECLARATION  (IV,  2)  OF  1899  CONCERNING  ASPHYXIATING  GASES  iv 
—2  p.  1915. 

No.  9  THE  HAGUE  DECLARATION  (IV,  3)  OF  1899  CONCERNING  EXPANDING  BULLETS  iv— 
2  p.  1915. 

No.  10  THE  FINAL  ACTS  OF  THE  FIRST  AND  SECOND  HAGUE  PEACE  CONFERENCES,  TOGETHER 
WITH  THE  DRAFT  CONVENTION  ON  A  JUDICIAL  ARBITRATION  COURT,  iv— 40  p.  1915. 

No.  11  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (II)  OF  1907  RESPECTING  THE  LIMITATION  OF  THE  EM- 
PLOYMENT OF  FORCE  FOR  THE  RECOVERY  OF  CONTRACT  DEBTS,  iv— 7  p.  1915. 

No.  12  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (III)  OF  1907  RELATIVE  TO  THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES 
iv__4  p.  1915. 

No.  13  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (V)  OF  1907  RESPECTING  THE  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF 
NEUTRAL  POWERS  AND  PERSONS  IN  CASE  OF  WAR  ON  LAND,  iv— 8  p.  1915. 

No.  14  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (VI)  OF  1907  RELATING  TO  THE  STATUS  OF  ENEMY  MER- 
CHANT SHIPS  AT  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  HOSTILITIES,  iv— 5  p.  1915. 

No.  15  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (VII)  OF  1907  RELATING  TO  THE  CONVERSION  OF  MER- 
CHANT SHIPS  INTO  WAR-SHIPS,  iv— 5  p.  1915. 

No.  16  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (VIII)  OF  1907  RELATIVE  TO  THE  LAYING  OF  AUTOMATIC 
SUBMARINE  CONTACT  MINES,  iv— 6  p.  1915. 

No.  17  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (IX)  OF  1907  CONCERNING  BOMBARDMENT  BY  NAVAL 
FORCES  IN  TIME  OF  WAR.  iv — 6  p.  1915. 

No.  18    THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION   (XI)   OF  1907  RELATIVE  TO  CERTAIN  RESTRICTIONS  WITH 

REGARD  TO  THE  EXERCISE  OF  THE  RlGHT  OF   CAPTURE  IN   NAVAL  WAR.   iv — 6  p.    1915. 

No.  19  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (XII)  OF  1907  RELATIVE  TO  THE  CREATION  OF  AN  INTER- 
NATIONAL PRIZE  COURT,  iv — 21  p.  1915. 

No.  20  THE  HAGUE  CONVENTION  (XIII)  OF  1907  CONCERNING  THE  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF 
NEUTRAL  POWERS  IN  NAVAL  WAR.  iv— 11  p.  1915. 

No.  21  THE  GENEVA  CONVENTION  OF  1906  FOR  THE  AMELIORATION  OF  THE  CONDITION  OF  THE 
WOUNDED  IN  ARMIES  IN  THE  FIELD,  iv — 17  p.  1915. 

No.  22    DOCUMENTS  RESPECTING  THE  LIMITATION  OF  ARMAMENTS,    v — 32  p.     1915. 

No.  23  OFFICIAL  COMMUNICATIONS  AND  SPEECHES  RELATING  TO  PEACE  PROPOSALS  vi — 
100  p.  1917. 

No.  24  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  CONTROVERSY  OVER  NEUTRAL  RIGHTS  BETWEEN  THE 
UNITED  STATES  AND  FRANCE,  1797-1800.  vii— 91  p.  1917. 

No.  25  OPINIONS  OF  THE  ATTORNEYS  GENERAL  AND  JUDGMENTS  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT 
AND  COURT  OF  CLAIMS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  RELATING  TO  THE  CONTROVERSY 
OVER  NEUTRAL  RIGHTS  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FRANCE,  1797-1800. 
v__340  p.  (4)  1917. 

No.  26  OPINIONS  OF  ATTORNEYS  GENERAL,  DECISIONS  OF  FEDERAL  COURTS,  AND  DIPLOMATIC 
CORRESPONDENCE  RESPECTING  THE  TREATIES  OF  1785,  1799  AND  1828,  BETWEEN 
THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  PRUSSIA,  vi — 158  p.  (4)  1917. 

No.  261  SUPPLEMENT  TO  PAMPHLET  No.  26. 

No.  27  OFFICIAL  DOCUMENTS  BEARING  ON  THE  ARMED  NEUTRALITY  OF  1780  AND  1800.  x — 
295  p.  (4)  1917. 

No.  28  EXTRACTS  FROM  AMERICAN  AND  FOREIGN  WORKS  ON  INTERNATIONAL  LAW  CON- 
CERNING THE  ARMED  NEUTRALITY  OF  1780  AND  1800.  vi— 109  p.  (4)  1917. 

No.  29    Two  IDEALS  OF  GOVERNMENT,    v — 17  p.     (5)     1917. 

No.  30  THE  EFFECT  OF  DEMOCRACY  ON  INTERNATIONAL  LAW.  Opening  address  by  Elihu 
Root  as  President  of  the  American  Society  of  International  Law  at  the 
Eleventh  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  in  Washington,  April  26,  1917.  ii — 
10  p.  (5)  1917. 

CLASSICS  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

This  series  will  include  the  leading  works  on  International  Law,  the  republication  of 
which  has  been  undertaken  principally  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  procuring  the  texts  in 
convenient  form  for  scientific  study.  The  text  of  each  author  is  reproduced  photograph- 
ically, so  as  to  lay  the  source  before  the  reader  without  the  mistakes  which  creep  into  a 
newly  pr:nted  text.  An  Introduction  is  prefixed  to  each  work,  giving  the  necessary  bio- 


graphical  details  concerning  its  author  and  stating  the  importance  of  the  text  and  its  place 
in  International  Law ;  tables  of  errata  in  the  original  are  added  when  necessary,  and  notes 
to  clear  up  doubts  and  ambiguities  or  to  correct  mistakes  in  the  text  are  supplied.  Each 
work  is  accompanied  by  an  English  version  made  expressly  for  the  series  by  a  competent 
translator.  James  Brown  Scott,  Director  of  the  Division  of  International  Law,  is  the 
General  Editor  of  the  Classics. 

The  works  listed  below  have  appeared  and  are  on   sale;    future  publications  will  be 
announced  as  ready: 

ZOUCHE,  RICHARD  :  Juris  et  Judicii  Fecialis,  sive,  Juris  inter  Gentes  et  Quaestionum  de 
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